All posts by lisa-legalinfo

BOP Finally Releases Compassionate Release Numbers… And They’re Not Impressive – Update for February 12, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
BOP ADMITS FEWER THAT 10% OF COMPASSIONATE RELEASE BIDS MAKE IT PAST THE DIRECTOR

Nearly six months after 16 Senators requested it, the Bureau of Prisons has finally come off compassionate release numbers for the last three years.

compassion160124Under 18 USC 3582(c)(1), a prisoner who has extraordinary reasons – usually medical, age-related or family-related – may receive a reduction in sentence (RIS). An inmate must first get a recommendation from the institution warden, and then approval of the BOP Director. If the Director forwards the motion to the sentencing court, the district judge will then decide the motion.

From January 1, 2014, through the end of 2017, 3,182 inmates sought RIS relief. Only one out of four made it past the first level of review, the warden of the prison in which the inmate was held. At the Director’s office, only 306 requests, or 9.6% of the total originally filed, made the cut.

About 25% of RIS requests came from dying inmates. Another 35% came from seriously ill (but not terminal) inmates. Elderly inmates with medical conditions were another 15%, and elderly inmates who were otherwise healthy constituted 8%. Inmates who were sole caregiver for a child constituted 9% of the requests, and people needing to care for a spouse were 3.4% of the requests.

RIP180212The RIS requests with the most chance of approval came from terminally ill inmates. One half of all such requests made it to the Director. Another 16% of requests from seriously ill inmates were referred. One out of four requests from elderly prisoners with medical conditions made the cut, while one-third of healthy elderly prisoners’ requests were approved by wardens. Approvals for caregivers of spouses and kids came in at under 15%.

It takes about 4-1/2 months to get the Director’s approval. The BOP did not break down which categories were approved in what numbers by the Director, but it admitted that 81 inmates died while waiting for approval of their RIS requests.

The BOP has been engaged in an inter-agency fight with the Sentencing Commission for control of the compassionate release process for more than a year. The Sentencing Commission believes that the BOP should only determine that inmates meet eligibility standards, and leave decisions about whether they are deserving of a lower sentence to judges.

The BOP told the Senators that RIS requests were usually denied because its criteria were not met, including

• the inmate did not meet the medical condition criteria;
• the inmate’s medical condition did not impact ability to function in prison;
• the inmate had not served enough time toward his sentence required by the elderly inmate criteria;
• the inmate could not show he or she was the sole family member capable of providing care to a child, spouse, or registered partner; or
• the inmate lacked stable residence and release plans.

roulette180212The sentencing advocacy group Families Against Mandatory Minimums was quick to blast the BOP letter. “We are disappointed but not surprised,” FAMM president Kevin Ring said. “Even as interest in prison reform grows, we find that the BOP is not using its authority to reduce the number of low-risk, high-cost individuals in federal prisons. This failure hurts families and taxpayers without improving public safety.”

Sentencing Law and Policy, Lamenting latest data on how federal Bureau of Prisons administers its compassionate release program (Feb. 9, 2018)

FAMM, New Data Reveals BOP Still Neglecting Compassionate Release (Feb. 8, 2018)

Letter from BOP Office of Legislative Affairs to Sen. Brian Schatz (Jan. 16, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small

Could Sessions’ War on Pot Light Up Congress? – Update for February 8, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
SESSIONS UPSETS CONGRESS WITH CHANGE IN POT POLICY

sessions180119Last week, after Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III gave federal prosecutors free rein to begin marijuana busts even state law allows possession and sale, dozens of lawmakers from both parties are seeking legislation that would handcuff Sessions on pot.

“It has awakened a sleeping giant,” Dana Rohrabacher (R-California) said of the Congressional response to Sessions repealing the Cole memorandum, a policy from the Obama administration that tolerated pot companies in states that legalized the drug. “The move by Sessions on the Cole memo has really activated people who were not active before, both inside Congress and across the country,” Rohrabacker was quoted as saying by BuzzFeed News.

Last Tuesday, 54 lawmakers sent President Trump a letter asking him to honor his campaign promise to leave marijuana “up to the states” and override Sessions. A few weeks earlier, 69 lawmakers — including 15 Republicans — sent House leadership a letter urging them to adopt an amendment in the next annual spending bill.

marijuana160818The measure would prevent the Justice Department from using any funds to interfere with a state’s marijuana legalization scheme, similar to prior thereby staving off Sessions. There is precedent for this. Since December 2014’s passage of the Consolidated and Further Continuing Appropriations Act of 2015, Congress has effectively prohibited federal prosecution for medical marijuana sale and use that complies with state law by denying DOJ the right to spend any money to prosecute for conduct that complies with state law. Congress has the power to do the same for recreational marijuana laws, and courts have recognized that the spending ban prevents DOJ prosecution of people in those states.

Anything that drives a wedge between Congress and Sessions lessens the extent of the AG’s influence in keeping Congress from enacting sentencing reform (although it still leaves the President to mollify).

BuzzFeed, Jeff Sessions is making Congress mad with his pot policy, and it may backfire (Jan. 29, 2018)

United States v. McIntosh, 833 F.3d 1163 (9th Cir. 2016)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small

Sky Pilot – Update for February 7, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
BOP REVERSES “ARMED CHAPLAIN” RULE

A BOP prison chaplain’s quest to disarm chaplains won out, as the agency announced last month that chaplains will no longer be required to carry pepper spray. 

priest180208Last November, the agency agreed that Rev. Ronald Apollo, a retired Air Force chaplain now serving as a BOP chaplain did not have to carry pepper spray. Earlier last year, the BOP had mandated that all workers in medium and high security institutions to carry around spray last year, prompted by a federal law passed in 2015 to keep prison staff safe. Rev. Apollo refused, arguing the rule violated his religious beliefs and jeopardized the impartiality he needs to counsel prisoners and win their trust. 

BOP’s personnel classifications exempt chaplains from firearms training and hold that “in the event of an actual disturbance the professional skills of a chaplain will be applied in another way.” Rev. Apollo argued that requiring him to carry spray violated he classification and the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act.

“Now we are able to work on a level to do everything we could do before, in the same capacity, exactly how we were doing it before when… spray was never an issue,” Rev. Apollo said. “We still respond to alarms, we still preach, we could counsel and we’re free to go about all areas of the institution like the ministers we were hired to be without any reservations.

The Marshall Project, The Bureau of Prisons Yields to a Chaplain’s Conscience (Jan. 26, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small

Not Enough Fraud for a 60(b) Motion – Update for February 6, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
CIRCUIT TELLS DEFENDANT BLACK “YOU CAN’T COME BACK”

Adarus Black, convicted of a drug conspiracy and escape, filed a post-conviction motion under 28 USC 2255 in 2013. It was denied. He returned several years later with a motion under Fed. Rule of Civil Procedure 60(b), which lets a party petition to set aside the judgment for new evidence, fraud on the court, and other sundry reasons. Adarus wanted the 2255 judgment set aside for eight different reasons.

fraud180206The district court made short work of two of Adarus’ five Rule 60(b) grounds on the merits, but it sent the other three to the Court of Appeals. Ever since the 2005 Supreme Court decision in Gonzalez v. Crosby, a movant filing a 60(b) motion to set aside a judgment denying a 2255 motion was considered to be filing a “second-or-successive motion,” for which advance permission has to be obtained from the court of appeals (something hardly ever given). A Rule 60(b) motion escapes the “second-or-successive” label only if it “attacks a defect in the integrity of the federal habeas proceedings.”

Last week, the 6th Circuit ruled that two of the three claims Adarus made that had been referred to it were second-or-successive claims that could not be brought in a 60(b) motion (and for which approval would not be forthcoming). But in the final claim, Adarus claimed that the Assistant U.S. Attorney prosecuting his case “perpetrated fraud on the Court” before and during his criminal trial. The Gonzalez decision said that fraud on the court is “one example of… a defect” in 2255 habeas proceedings that could be raised without running up against the “second-or-successive” rule.

But the 6th held that Adarus’ 60(b) fraud claims did not make the cut. “Fraud on the court” refers to “fraud on the federal habeas court,” the Circuit said. Because Adarus’ fraud-on-the-court argument “concerns only the prosecutor’s conduct during the underlying criminal trial, he has not called into question the integrity of the federal habeas proceedings.” Adarus’ mistake was that he did not show that the fraudulent conduct during the trial proceedings tainted the district court’s assessment of his federal habeas petition. Fraud on the 2255 court, the 6th held, “requires proof that fraudulent conduct was willfully ‘directed to’ the court that was deceived.”

In re Black, Case No. 17-2147 (6th Cir., Jan. 31, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small

President Throws His Weight (Sort of) Behind Prison Reform – Update for February 5, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
TRUMP BACKS PRISON (NOT SENTENCING) REFORM

education180205During his State of the Union address last Tuesday, President Trump said his administration will pursue reforms to federal prison system reentry programs. “As America regains its strength, this opportunity must be extended to all citizens,” Trump said. “That is why this year we will embark on reforming our prisons to help former inmates who have served their time get a second chance.”

Trump brought up prison reform again last Thursday in a speech to GOP legislators during their retreat in West Virginia. “We can reform our prison system to help those who have served their time get a second chance at life,” he told the lawmakers.

A sharp split remains in Congress over sentencing reform, but there seems to be a consensus on prison reform. The difference between the two is this: sentencing reform focuses on reducing potential sentences – including mandatory minimums – while prison reform offers more reentry programs in prison, for which prisoners could get up extra days off for completing approved programs.

reform160201Trump’s comments are a change in tone for the President, who made tough-on-crime talk a standard of his 2016 presidential campaign. But even as he embraces prison reform, Trump suggests his Administration might seek tougher drug laws in response to the opioid crisis.

Supporters of reform are expressing cautious optimism that a deal can be made to improve conditions in federal prisons, bolster anti-recidivism efforts and allow federal prisoners to earn “time credits” for making it through education or other programs, despite legislative clashes over immigration and opioids and the impending midterm elections. Rep. Doug Collins (R-Georgia), an author of the bipartisan Prison Reform and Redemption Act (H.R. 3356), called the moment of apparent consensus “a unique opportunity.”

Ohio State University law prof and sentencing expert Doug Berman wrote last week that while “‘back-end’ prison reforms to facilitate earlier release from prison for all federal offenders and enhanced reentry efforts are quite possible and may truly be a priority for the Trump Administration; it would also seem that “front-end” sentencing reforms to reduce mandatory minimum terms for drug trafficking offenses many not be possible and may be actively opposed by the Trump Administration.”

The New Republic said that “reducing mandatory minimums and over-criminalization will be a tough sell, while programs to help prisoners re-enter society and find jobs could find a receptive audience in the White House.” However, the Administration cut back on BOP education programs last May, and further BOP job cuts may make it hard for the agency to find enough people to direct rehabilitation programs. Fewer staff means fewer programs means fewer qualified courses means fewer additional good-time credits. The New Republic said, “It would be a Nixon-in-China moment if Trump genuinely tried to combat mass incarceration—which is to say, it’s highly unlikely.”

nixon180205Yet less than a week later, the same author in the same magazine suggested that “Trump’s rhetoric of late gives hope for bipartisan efforts in Congress to push through a criminal-justice reform bill this year. While Trump prides himself as a master dealmaker, he’s been content to let Republican lawmakers and his top advisers sketch the details of major legislation on health care, tax reform, and immigration. As long as he’s not actively hostile to whatever lawmakers send him, reformers could find Trump more amenable to the final package if they can convince him it’s a win.”

Reason.com, Trump says in SOTU that Administration will pursue prison reforms (Jan. 30, 2018)

Gant News, ‘American carnage’ President presides over prison reform push (Feb. 2, 2018)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Prez Trump, in his first State of the Union address, mentions “reforming our prisons” and need to “get much tougher on drug dealers” (Jan. 30, 2018)

The New Republic, Is Trump serious about prison reform? (Jan. 30, 2018)

The New Republic, A Chance for Criminal-Justice Reform Under Trump (Feb. 5, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small

Federal Bureau of Prisons Privatizing Fast – Update for January 31, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
BOP CUTTING 5,000+ EMPLOYEES; PLANS TRANSFER OF SOME LOW-SECURITY INMATES TO PRIVATE PRISONS

memo180131Amid plans announced last summer to chop 12% of its workforce, the Bureau of Prisons has issued a memorandum to all wardens (which the BOP calls “Chief Executive Officers”) last week in which it announced that “to alleviate the overcrowding at Bureau of Prisons’ (BOP) institutions and to maximize the effectiveness of the private contracts,” low-security institutions should submit names eligible inmates to be transferred to private prisons.

The memo, leaked to Government Executive magazine (undoubtedly by a happy BOP employee), set the following designation criteria. The inmates should

• be classified as low security status,
• be male and non-U.S. citizens,
• be assigned a medical and mental health care level 1 or 2, and
• have 90 months or less remaining to serve on their sentence.

Specific to Rivers Correctional Institution, a private prison run by The GEO Group (located in Winton, NC, 100 miles east northeast of Raleigh, NC), the Bureau specifies that inmate should be a

• male inmate classified as Low security with IN custody,
• sentenced out of the District of Columbia Superior or District        Court, and
• assigned a medical and mental health care level 1 or 2.

Rivers CI will accept inmates who meet the who are awaiting enrollment in the residential drug abuse program (RDAP).

privateB180131Mother Jones, a leftist magazine, reported today that this expanded use of private prisons comes as the agency plans to cut the number of correctional officers and other employees at its own institutions. The magazine said, “In a conference call days before the memo leaked, the bureau told facility administrators to expect a 12 to 14 percent reduction in staffing levels—though lawmakers and others have argued that prisons are already dangerously understaffed.”

The Administration’s FY 2019 budget calls for cutting 6,000 BOP positions, including more than 1,800 correctional officers. Eric Young, president of the American Federation of Government Employees council representing BOP employees, said, “It has sent a panic throughout my ranks.” Employees are worried that if natural attrition and vacancy elimination alone do not reach the BOP’s staff reduction goals, mandatory layoffs could follow. Not hiring to fill vacancies will worsen existing staffing shortfalls, Young said.

privateprisons180131While last week’s BOP memo targets immigrants serving time, private prison executives have previously suggested that other inmates may soon be transferred as well. “You’ll see the bureau evaluate U.S. citizens as they have previously evaluated criminal aliens,” J. Dave Donahue, president of GEO Group’s US corrections operations, told investors on a call last August.

Mother Jones, Leaked Memo Reveals Trump’s Gift to Private Prison Companies (Jan. 30, 2018)

The GEO Group’s (GEO) CEO George Zoley on Q2 2017 Results – Earnings Call Transcript (Aug. 7, 2017)

Government Executive, Leaked Memo: Trump admin to boost use of private prisons while slashing Federal staff (Jan. 25, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small

“You’re Screwed” Writ Large – Update for January 30, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
8TH CIRCUIT RULES CORAM NOBIS IS A 2255 BY A DIFFERENT NAME

The history of what the law calls “extraordinary writs” is a rich one. Time was, courts of law could only award money damages. Now money’s nice stuff, but sometimes you need more.

equity180130Your neighbor’s tree is about to fall on your house and he won’t do anything about it? Knowing that after your house is crushed one dark and stormy night (with you in it) that your heirs can collect some money does not provide a lot of what insurance companies like to call “peace of mind.” What you need is a court order that your neighbor has to cut it down. Back in the bad old days of segregation, a black family would have had no remedy in a court of law: money damages won’t do when you yearn for liberty and equality.

Because of the mismatch between need and remedy, the English – back in the days of yore – developed courts of equity. Equity courts were the equal of law courts, but for their remedies. These courts originally issued prerogative writs, court orders, with such great names as certiorari, mandamus, quo warranto, audita querela, and, of course, the Great Writ itself, habeas corpus. These remedies, as well as the one most have heard of, injunctive writs (or just injunctions) survive today.

Everyone knows about the federal prisoners’ motion under 28 USC 2255, a statutory right granted to prisoners to stand in the place and stead of the constitutionally-protected writ of habeas corpus. But you cannot hang around a prison law library too long without hearing that a thundering herd of extraordinary writ motions are there, just waiting to be filed besides the old reliable 2255. In fact, there is a law called the All Writs Act, that confers on federal courts the right to gin up just about any remedy the court can imagine, sort of a remedy version of making the punishment fit the crime. Court-order busing, taking control of labor unions, and court-ordered state prison emptying are examples of the All Writs Act in action.

vader180130For federal prisoners, however, Congress intended through 28 USC 2255, as well as the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (a bill that could have been named by Darth Vader himself) to limit prisoner access to traditional extraordinary writs as much as possible. Last week, the 8th Circuit reminded us of how effective the AEDPA has been.

The Circuit slapped further restrictions on the writ of error coram nobis, an old common law writ which may be filed only after the petitioner is out from under his sentence and supervised release to claim he was actually innocent. Keith Baranski got 60 months on a firearms charge. While locked up, he filed a 2255 and lost. After he was released and finally got off paper, he filed a coram nobis petition. It was denied, and Keith appealed.

equitycourt180130The 8th ruled that while 28 USC 2244 only required that a petitioner get Court of Appeals approval for a second-or-successive 2255 motion, the limits set out in 2255(h) applied to any petitions filed after a 2255, even a coram nobis. In other words, if a petitioner previously filed a 2255 motion, a coram nobis petition will be tossed unless it relies on newly discovered evidence that would establish by clear and convincing evidence that no reasonable jury would have convicted; or on a new rule of constitutional law made retroactive…

The Circuit said, “It is widely accepted that custody is the only substantive difference between coram nobis and habeas petitions… Given that coram nobis is an extraordinary remedy available at the far end of a post-conviction continuum only for the “most fundamental” errors, it would make no sense to rule that a petitioner no longer in custody may obtain coram nobis relief with a less rigorous substantive showing than that required by limitations for successive habeas corpus and § 2255 relief.”

United States v. Baranski, Case No. 16-1399 (8th Cir. Jan. 23, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small

Criminal Justice Reform Accelerates – but in a Different Direction – Update for January 29, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
SENTENCING REFORM TAKE SHARP TURN TOWARD REHABILITATION

momentum180129Momentum is building under the Trump administration for criminal justice reform, even as the debate veers away from mandatory minimums to preventing inmates from returning to prison. A report in The Hill last week said politicians now believe this approach has the best chance of winning approval from both Congress and the White House.

The Hill reported, “A source familiar with the talks between the White House and GOP members of Congress said a bipartisan prison-reform bill, the Prison Reform and Redemption Act, H.R. 3356, offered by Rep. Doug Collins (R-Georgia) is expected to be marked up in the House Judiciary Committee before the first quarter ends in April. Co-sponsored by eight Democrats and seven Republicans, the PRRA allows prisoners to serve the final days of their sentences in halfway houses or home confinement and to earn extra good time. To do so, prisoners have to complete evidence-based programs while in prison that have been shown to reduce recidivism rates.

Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island) have introduced similar legislation in the Senate, and reportedly are working closely together to ensure any differences between their bills are reconciled, the source familiar with talks said.

The conservative billionaire brothers Charles and David Koch unveiled a program this past weekend, “Safe Streets and Second Chances,” intended to shift America’s criminal justice system from a focus on punishment to rehabilitation.

Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III
Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III

At the announcement of the new initiative, Koch Industries general counsel Mark Holden downplayed the challenge Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III poses to Koch’s criminal justice reform objectives. Holden said Sessions is on board with prison reform. “I had a good discussion with him in a meeting at the White House a couple of weeks ago,” Holden said. “We’re going to meet people where they are. And hopefully we can get more success in this area when we show some success with prison reform.”

Rep. Bobby Scott (D-Virginia) said late last week he hasn’t given up hope on Sessions coming around on sentencing reform, pointing to that fact that as a senator Sessions helped pass the Fair Sentencing Act, which improved the racial disparity in cocaine crime sentencing.

The Hill, Prison reform gains new momentum under Trump (Jan. 24, 2018)

WTKR-TV, Koch network leader says Attorney General Jeff Sessions “on board” with prison reform (Jan. 28, 2018)

Washington Examiner, Koch brothers introducing new criminal justice reform initiative (Jan. 24, 2018)

Axios, Rep. Scott hasn’t given up on Sessions on sentencing reform (Jan. 27, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small

Violence Is Not Always Violent and Drug Cases Are Not Always about Drugs – Update for January 25, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
THINGS ARE SELDOM WHAT THEY SEEM

Buttercup:        Things are seldom what they seem,
                                Skim milk masquerades as cream;
                           Highlows pass as patent leathers;
                                Jackdaws strut in peacock’s feathers.

Captain:           Very true,
                                So they do.

Things are Seldom What They Seem
(duet with Buttercup and Capt. Corcoran)
Gilbert & Sullivan, H.M.S. Pinafore

pinafore180126Gilbert and Sullivan had nothing on federal criminal law since the Supreme Court’s decisions in Mathis v. United States and Descamps v. United States. There was a time that you would have thought it was easy to tell a crime of violence, or to identified a controlled substance offense. As Justice Potter Stewart famously said in Jacobellis v. Ohio (about obscenity, not violence), “I know it when I see it.”

But no more. Now, courts must go through countless gyrations, looking at whether statutes are divisible, subject to categorical analysis, or are broader than a never-existed federal common law. Thus, even if a defendant beat his grandmother with a ball bat, the crime might not be violent if the state would have applied the same statute to a defendant who nudged his grandma with a down pillow.

Things are seldom what they seem …

Buttercup:    Black sheep dwell in every fold;
                        All that glitters is not gold;
                     Storks turn out to be but logs;
                        Bulls are but inflated frogs.

Captain:     So they be,
                        Frequentlee.

So some crimes are violent, some are not. And some drug offenses are “controlled substance offenses,” and some are not.

rare180126Last week, the 3rd Circuit ruled that Hobbs Act bank robbery by intimidation was met the “elements” test of the career offender Guidelines, and was a crime of violence, regardless of whether it met the enumerated offenses test of the Guidelines (the court suggested it probably did). The Circuit said, “Unarmed bank robbery by intimidation clearly does involve the ‘threatened use of physical force against the person of another’. U.S.S.G. § 4B1.2(a)(1). If a common sense understanding of the word “intimidation” were not enough to prove that, our precedent establishes that § 2113(a)’s prohibition on taking the “property or money or any other thing of value” either “by force and violence, or by intimidation” has as an element the threat of force.”

Meanwhile, the 1st Circuit refused to apply the Armed Career Criminal Act to a defendant who had a prior conviction for two drug offenses and attempted 2nd-degree armed robbery under New York law. The Circuit held that when the defendant had gotten the New York conviction, New York law applied it to conduct – such as purse-snatching where the victim and perp had a tug-of-war – that fell far short of the violent physical force needed to meet the elements test of the ACCA.

The 4th Circuit concluded that the West Virginia offense of unlawful wounding under § 61-2-9(a) “categorically qualifies as a crime of violence under the force clause, because it applies “only to a defendant who “shoots, stabs, cuts or wounds any person, or by any means causes him or her bodily injury with intent to maim, disfigure, disable or kill.” The Circuit held that the minimum conduct required for conviction of unlawful wounding must at least involve “physical force capable of causing physical injury to another person.” Thus, the offense “squarely matches ACCA’s force clause, which requires force that is capable of causing physical pain or injury.”

buttercup180126The 9th Circuit ruled that a drug conspiracy under the laws of the State of Washington was not a “controlled substance offense” for purposes of Guidelines § 2K2.1(a)(4)(A), because under Washington state law, a defendant could be convicted even if the only other conspirator was an undercover cop. The Circuit held that, as a result, “the Washington drug conspiracy statute covers conduct that would not be covered under federal law, and the Washington drug conspiracy statute is therefore not a categorical match to conspiracy under federal law.”

Finally, the 1st Circuit ruled yesterday that a conviction under Massachusett’s assault and battery with a dangerous weapon law (“ABDW”) was not a crime of violence when done recklessly, and concluded that the defendant’s state records, which reported he had attacked someone “with a shod foot,” were not clear enough to show that he was convicted of intentional ABDW instead of the merely reckless kind. Thus, the defendant did not have three prior crimes of violence, and could not be sentenced under the ACCA.

Buttercup:    Drops the wind and stops the mill;
                        Turbot is ambitious brill;
                    Gild the farthing if you will,
                        Yet it is a farthing still.

Captain:     Yes, I know.
                        That is so.

United States v. Wilson, Case No. 16-3845 (3rd Cir. Jan. 17, 2018)

United States v. Steed, Case No. 17-1011 (1st Cir. Jan. 12, 2018)

United States v. Covington, Case No. 17-4120 (4th Cir. Jan. 18, 2018)

United States v. Brown, Case No. 16-30218 (9th Cir. Jan. 16, 2018)

United States v. Kennedy, Case No. 15-2298 (1st Cir. Jan. 24, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small

Wish You Were Here – Update for January 24, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

LISAStatHeader2small
2255 RESENTENCING REQUIRES DEFENDANT’S ATTENDANCE

jazzman180124Jazzman Brown, convicted of being a felon in possession of a gun, and punished with a 15-year sentence under the Armed Career Criminal Act, went back to court after the Supreme Court’s decision in Johnson v. United States. His sentencing judge agreed with him that after Johnson, his prior offenses could no longer be considered crimes fo violence, meaning that the ACCA 15-year sentence was invalid.

Jazzman naturally figured the sentencing judge bring him back for resentencing. After all, there was only a single count of conviction, and so everything was in play again. [This is where we ought to drop in a line about the defendant’s desire to take the stand at sentence, so we could slip in the phrase, “When the Jazzman’s testifying…” But we have too much self-respect to do that].

So he was dismayed when the district court, after vacating his 15-year sentence, resentenced him to 10 years – the max under 18 USC 922(g) – without ever giving him a chance to appear and be heard.

wish180124Last week, the 11th Circuit reversed. While admitting that there were probably cases where a defendant could be resentenced without a formal hearing, the Court said Jazzman’s “original sentence was set by the mandatory minimum under the ACCA… When that sentence was found to be in error, his new sentence was imposed under a different statutory provision, 18 U.S.C. 924(a)(2). As a result, the only statutory basis for Mr. Brown’s sentence was invalidated, and the District Court was required to resentence him under a new statutory provision, with a new sentencing guidelines range. Because the sentence on Mr. Brown’s one and only count of conviction was found to be in error, Mr. Brown’s entire sentence was necessarily undermined, and the District Court was tasked with crafting an entirely new sentence. As a result, Mr. Brown was entitled to a resentencing hearing.”

United States v. Brown, Case No. 16-14267 (11th Cir.  Jan. 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

LISAStatHeader2small