Guilty Plea Set Aside Due to Too Much Information – Update for March 16, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BALL OF CONFUSION

The federal criminal justice system has adopted rituals as byzantine as a medieval exorcism to ensure that defendant’s guilty pleas are “knowingly, voluntarily and intelligently” made. And who can complain about that? Federal Criminal Rule 11 contains a laundry list of items a court must discuss with a defendant to make certain he or she understands all of he ramifications of a plea of guilty.

dazed170316To the shell-shocked defendant entering a plea of guilty, the entire proceeding passes as a jumble of nerves, rote answers and head-pounding legalese from judges and lawyers. That’s too bad, too, because by and large the defendant is later held to have perfectly digested everything said and to have meant every word he or she uttered in return.

That’s probably the way it should be, because no system could survive that made it too easy to withdraw a guilty plea after the fact. But that is not to obscure that – out of the 97.3% guilty-plea rate in the federal system – a good number of defendants go through whatever gyrations their lawyers tell them to perform during a guilty plea hearing, and only realize the finality of what they mindlessly agreed to after the fact.

For that reason, a case like United States v. Johnson, decided this week by the 2nd Circuit, is a breath of fresh air.

To believe the Feds, Cal Johnson was a bad dude, selling all manner of drugs and keeping guns in a nightclub he ran in the southern tier of New York State. The police found a gun behind the jukebox, and Cal was charged as a felon-in-possession and for drug distribution. In federal drug crimes, if the government alleges two prior drug convictions, the defendant’s sentence can be dramatically increased. Cal had two 20-year old drug beefs when he was arrested in 2012. They may have been committed when George H.W. Bush was president, but that didn’t matter: they weren’t too old to jack his mandatory minimum sentence to life.

TMI170316For reasons that baffled the Court of Appeals (and us), Johnson pled guilty without a plea agreement. At his change-of-plea hearing, the government explained that “the possible maximum penalty is life imprisonment” and that “the mandatory minimum pursuant to statute is life imprisonment.” The prosecutor also noted that “there’s a supervised release term required of at least ten years”; that “if there’s any violation of the terms of supervised release, the Court would have the power to add an additional five years of imprisonment for any violation thereof”; that the second count had a “possible maximum sentence” of ten years with “no mandatory minimum required”; and that, with respect to both counts, “in addition to these possible maximum penalties,” Cal would lose certain rights, including the right to vote, to possess a firearm, to hold certain public offices, and to obtain certain licenses.

The district judge then told Cal about the guidelines. The judge “described one calculation with the result that “the guidelines range is 30 to life,” another that is also “30 to life,” another that “would be 262 to 327 months,” another that “would be 151 to 188 months,” another that “is 108 to 135 months” and one that is “188 to 235 months.” He then added: All of the guideline provisions I’ve just described are nevertheless trumped by the fact that the statutory mandatory minimum is a life term under Section 21 U.S.C. 841(b)(1)(A) and as I indicated that is the statutory mandatory minimum in this case when I indicated the possible penalties under count one. So the Guidelines are trumped by that statutory mandatory minimum.”

Finally, the judge asked Cal’s lawyer if he knew any reason why Johnson should not plead guilty. Defense counsel said no. The judge accepted Cal’s plea.

A few months before sentencing, however, Cal wrote to the judge saying he wanted to withdraw his guilty plea, because 

my plea was not made knowingly or voluntary. I was mislead and ineffectively assisted by my attorney into believing that your Honor could sentence me to a sentence lower than the statutory sentence provided in Section 841(b)(1)(a) of the sentencing codes.

During my plea allocution you stated that you had the power to go above, below, or even outside the guidelines depending on the laws at the time of my sentencing. I misunderstood you to mean you could sentence outside of the statutory sentences as well.

Without being lead to believe this by my attorney I would never have plead guilty to charges that sentence me to a mandatory term of life in prison.

The district court told Cal that it was his tough luck: the life sentence was mentioned during the change-of-plea. He should have paid better attention.

jibber170316Last Tuesday, the 2nd Circuit disagreed. Certainly, Cal was told about the life sentence. The problem is that he was told too much. With all the jibber-jabber about statutory maximum sentences, statutory minimum sentences, applicable guidelines and supervised release after incarceration ended, Cal had been so bombarded with data that he was worse off than if he had no information at all. The Court said that “the baffling complexity of the prosecutor’s account did, however, render serious the failure by the court to confirm that Johnson understood the sentence that his guilty plea entailed. Johnson says that he was confused, and it is easy to see how that might be. Johnson was not trained in the law.”

COPInfo170316The matter that most concerned the 2nd Circuit was especially noteworthy, because all too often, we see it ignored by courts facing this kind of issue. The Circuit complained that his lawyer’s statement that he saw no reason for his client not to enter a plea was utter nonsense. “The most significant fact for Johnson at his plea hearing—a fact that he had to understand for his plea to be voluntary, knowing, and intelligent—was that life imprisonment was the certain consequence of pleading guilty. This was not merely a potential sentence, or one possible maximum among other possibilities, but his certain and inevitable sentence upon conviction. By pleading guilty, he was effectively sentencing himself to spend the rest of his life in prison; yet this fact was not conspicuous at his plea hearing, which included discussion of many other “possible” (though actually impossible) sentences and robotic references to (inapplicable) calculations and judicial discretion.”

Johnson’s plea gained him absolutely nothing. The Court expressed wonderment that “Johnson—in the midst of trial preparation—would knowingly elect to plead when a plea could yield no discount from the worst that could happen at trial.”

Johnson’s plea was withdrawn, and the case was sent back to the district court for trial.

United States v. Johnson, Case No. 15-3498 (2nd Cir., Mar. 14, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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All Physical Force is Not “Physical Force” – Update for Wednesday, March 15, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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4TH CIRCUIT REVERSES SELF, HOLDS VIRGINIA COMMON-LAW ROBBERY IS NOT VIOLENT

With all of the recent news about Beckles v. United States, where the Supreme Court held that constitutional vagueness cannot apply to Guidelines sentences, it’s easy to forget that there is still a burgeoning legal industry in weighing whether crimes once thought to be violent for Armed Career Criminal Act cases are still violent.

violent170315The ACCA enhances the sentence of a felon caught with a gun if he (or in rare cases, she) has three prior qualifying convictions. The convictions may be serious drug offenses or “crimes of violence.” A “crime of violence” has traditionally been (1) burglary, arson, extortion or use of explosives (the “Enumerated Clause”); (2) a crime that involves use or attempt to use physical force (the “Force Clause”); or (3) a crime that involves significant risk that physical force may be used (the “Residual Clause”).

In 2015, Johnson v. United States held that the Residual Clause was unconstitutionally vague. In the wake of the decision – which was held by the Supreme Court to retroactively apply to people already convicted of ACCA offenses – prisoners have been returning to court to escape harsh ACCA sentences (which start at 15 years) where their predicate offenses no longer qualify.

A substantial procedural problem for a lot of the defendants is that the district courts often did not bother to explain under which ACCA clause their prior crimes fit. It hardly seemed to matter: if someone had been convicted of robbery, it seemed to fit under the Force Clause or the Residual Clause, so it hardly mattered to the outcome which clause it was on which the sentencing judge relied.

After Johnson, however, it suddenly made a big difference. It certainly did to Bobby Winston, who got 275 months back on 2002 for a felon-in-possession charge, where one of the predicate crimes was Virginia common-law robbery. The Johnson retroactivity gave prisoners a one-year window to file motions under 28 U.S.C. Sec. 2255 seeking relief if Residual Clause cases had been used to bootstrap their convictions into ACCA sentences. Bobby filed, arguing that the Virginia common-law robbery could no longer be a predicate for his lengthy sentence.

buzzsaw70315Bobby ran straight into a procedural buzzsaw. The government argued that his 2255 motion had to be dismissed., because the district court had never said Virginia common-law robbery was a Residual Clause offense. The government contended it was a Force Clause offense, which was consistent with a 22-year old 4th Circuit decision that the Virginia crime employed physical force.

Monday, the 4th Circuit handed Bobby a win. First, the Circuit rejected the government’s procedural roadblock, holding that which the sentencing record did not establish that the Residual Clause served as the basis for concluding that Bobby’s common-law robbery conviction was a violent felony, “nothing in the law requires a court to specify which clause… it relied upon in imposing a sentence.” The appellate panel said, “We will not penalize a movant for a court’s discretionary choice not to specify under which clause of Section 924(e)(2)(B) an offense qualified as a violent felony. Thus, imposing the burden on movants urged by the government in the present case would result in selective application of the new rule of constitutional law announced in Johnson, violating the principle of treating similarly situated defendants the same.”

But is Virginia common-law robbery a violent crime? The 4th noted that since its 1995 decision that the offense qualified, the Supreme Court had ruled that the Force Clause only applied to “violent force… capable of causing physical pain or injury to another person.” Applying that standard, the Circuit said, requires that the federal court adhere to how state courts apply the offense, focusing on “the “minimum conduct criminalized by state law, including any conduct giving rise to a realistic probability, not a theoretical possibility that a state would apply the law and uphold a conviction based on such conduct.”

Common-law robbery or a simple purse-snatching?
Common-law robbery or a simple purse-snatching?

Virginia courts have held that commission of common-law robbery by violence requires only a “slight” degree of violence, “for anything which calls out resistance is sufficient.” The violence used to commit common-law robbery “does not need to be great or cause any actual harm to the victim.” Thus, in one case, when a defendant grabbed a woman’s purse with force enough to spin her around but not cause her to fall, the force was enough for common-law robbery, but was not violent force within the U.S. Supreme Court’s definition.

Therefore, the 4th said, Virginia common-law robbery was no longer a crime of violence, and it will not support an ACCA conviction.

United States v. Winston, Case No. 16-7252 (4th Cir., March 13, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Rumors Moving at Lightspeed – Update for March 13, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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 HAVE YOU HEARD WHAT I’VE HEARD?

Will Rogers once wisely observed that “rumor travels faster, but it don’t stay put as long as truth.”

Oh, if Will had only been a regular reader of what is derisively known in the prison system as “inmate.com.” If Will had done any time, he’d have really known what rumors are all about.

hope170313The inmate.com we’re talking about is not the real inmate.com, run by an inmate penpal service: these folks are not the culprits we’re looking for. Instead, the inmate.com we mean is the one that spews false hope like a broken sewer. We get asked almost weekly to clear up rumors of pending legislative, judicial, regulatory or presidential actions that will release prisoners. The only common thread running through all the rumors sent to us is that they’re false.

In the past two weeks, we’ve heard from a number of inmate readers with questions like this one:

There is a new rumor going around here that President Trump has requested the House Judiciary Committee to close the wasteful federal prison camps? and if it does not get done he will do it by executive order.

Another writer asked:

Have you heard rumors that Trump is supposed to close 78 federal camps and put the inmates on home confinement? It’s all over the prison system and officers have been talking about it… The rumor about the home confinement came from the suggestion from the BOP director. You can go online and see he made a recommendation to Congress. I have seen a copy of the suggestion…

rumors170313This rumor arose so quickly, and was being reported so widely, that we figured we would explore it. It did not take long for the Internet to yield the facts.

First, the bad news. President Trump – who along with the Attorney General wants to increase the prison population, not cut it – never said any such thing. Because of federal law – which limits home confinement to 10% of the sentence or 6 months (whichever is less) – the president could not order the camps closed and inmates sent home (unless he commuted their sentences, and given what Trump thought of Obama’s commutations, that’s not going to happen).

Likewise, Thomas R. Kane, Ph.D., acting director of the BOP for the past year, made no such request to Congress.

So where did this rumor start? On Feb. 28, 2017, an online press-release service called ReleaseWire.com – a website that will distribute anyone’s news release for about $50.00 – published a news release from a Colorado nonprofit group calling itself “A Just Cause” (“AJC”) The press release, headlined House Judiciary Committee and Trump Asked to Close Wasteful Federal Prison Camps, begins:

According to the February 8, 2017 Bloomberg Criminal Law Reporter (Vol. 100, no. 18, pg. 393), House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-VA) and Ranking Democrat John Conyers (D-MI) are ready to release criminal justice reform legislation but are waiting on a green light from the White House. A Just Cause is urging Congress and President Trump to close 76 federal prison camps and eliminate this wasteful extension of the welfare system that, according the Federal Bureau of Prisons website, houses, clothes, feeds and provides healthcare for nearly 22,000 non-violent offenders…

Some of the lazier news media receiving the “news” release ran with it. However it happened, AJC’s self-generated “news” that it had asked Congress to do something as unlikely as to send 30,000 federal prisoners home at once spread in the prison system far and wide.

And who is the advocacy group “A Just Cause?” AJC appears to run a website and do little else. The site lists some staff names and has a page for a board of advisors that indicates that despite being in existence for 11 years, the group has yet to name board members. How active the group is can be inferred from the banner on its website front page, urging people to “take action today and sign the petition asking President Barack Obama to free the innocent men known as the IRP6!” AJC has been so busy advocating it missed the November election and January inauguration.

irp170313And who are the IRP6?  AJC turns out to be little more than a front made up of the family members of six Colorado defendants who got hammered with 7- to 11-year sentences for a white-collar fraud a few years ago. The AJC has been trying without success to whip up public outrage over the convictions ever since. In fact, in the past year AJC has published a blizzard of news releases excoriating the federal prison camp director where some of the IRP6 are housed because of visiting restrictions they claim are discriminatory.

AJC’s demand that camps be closed makes more sense knowing the backstory, because the six defendants appear to all be in camps. If the camps close, their loved ones come home. There’s nothing wrong with a little enlightened self-interest.

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       The snowball effect… about to roll over the hopes of an inmate near to you.

Likewise, there’s nothing wrong with advocacy by friends and family of inmates, and AJC’s Feb. 28 news release appears to have been completely accurate. Nevertheless, an off-the-radar advocacy group’s exercise of its First Amendment rights somehow morphed into a grand rumor of Trump, the BOP and Congress setting off on a crusade to send 33,200 BOP campers home.

The earth is more likely to fall into the sun before next weekend than is anyone in Congress likely to pay attention to AJC’s request. Certainly, the rumor that Trump has proposed it is wrong. Congress has not proposed it, either, nor has the BOP. In fact, no mainline advocacy group (such as FAMM) has proposed it.

For that matter, no one in Congress has yet introduced any sentencing reform legislation whatsoever. President Trump has not been bothered to appoint a new BOP director. The Attorney General, only a few weeks on the job, is busy firing U.S. attorneys.

We called AJC during business hours to ask for a comment about the firestorm their letter to a couple of legislators has ignited, but we got no answer.

The report that camps will be closing, and campers sent home is a rumor. And it’s as false as it is implausible.

ReleaseWire.com, House Judiciary Committee and Trump Asked to Close Wasteful Federal Prison Camps (Feb. 28, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root 

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Lies, Damn Lies and Statistics… Update for March 10, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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ROACH MOTEL

Besides the obvious fact that society abhors sex crimes against children – including the possession of kiddie porn – one of the rationales for handing out Draconian sentences to defendants convicted of such offenses is that they pose such a danger to the public if they’re roaming free.

Everyone knows that’s true. After all, the Supreme Court itself has recognized that an “frightening and high” percentage of untreated child porn offenders “re-offend” – which is sociologist-speak for “commits the same crime again” – after release. The statistic everyone loves to cite is 80%.

roach170310Except it now appears that the statistic is wrong. But like roaches at the Roach Motel, the “alternate fact” has checked into federal jurisprudence, and it shows no sign of checking out.

A New York Times article published last Monday took the State of North Carolina to task for an argument its attorney made during the Supreme Court oral argument the week before in Packingham v. North Carolina. “This court has recognized that [sex offenders] have a high rate of recidivism and are very likely to do this again,” attorney Robert C. Montgomery told the court during his defense of a state law that bars sex offenders from using social media services.

Attorney Montgomery was literally correct. The Supreme Court observed in a 2003 decision, Smith v. Doe, that the risk that sex offenders will commit new crimes is “frightening and high.” The Times said the holding, in a decision affirming Alaska’s sex offender registration law, has been “exceptionally influential. It has appeared in more than 100 lower-court opinions, and it has helped justify laws that effectively banish registered sex offenders from many aspects of everyday life.”

Justice Anthony M. Kennedy’s majority opinion in the 2003 case, Smith v. Doe, cited McKune v. Lile, a decision from the year before, which noted that “[t]he rate of recidivism of untreated offenders has been estimated to be as high as 80 percent.” That decision cited a 1988 Justice Department study entitled A Practitioner’s Guide to Treating the Incarcerated Male Sex Offender, which was a collection of studies by experts in the field. Ironically, most of the recidivism rates cited in the Guide showed slight recidivism rates for sex offenders. One source, however, claimed an 80% re-offense rate, a number that the Guide itself cautioned might be an outlier.

80pct170310That source was a 1988 article published in the popular trade magazine Psychology Today. The Psychology Today piece simply asserted that “most untreated sex offenders released from prison go on to commit more offenses – indeed, as many as 80% do.” This statistic was not supported by any empirical evidence. In a recent Boston College Law Review article, Dr. Melissa Hamilton (who is both a criminologist and a lawyer) writes, “The Psychology Today authors were therapists in a sex offender treatment program with no apparent academic research credentials or statistical training. Evidently, the authors’ “statistic” was simply based on personal observations from their local treatment program.”

Hamilton argues that

In sum, a principal foundation on which the Supreme Court approved the existence of specialized sex offender policies rested upon virtually no scientific grounds showing that sex offenders are actually at high risk of reoffending. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court’s scientifically dubious guidance on the actual risk of recidivism that sex offenders pose has been unquestionably repeated by almost all other lower courts that have upheld the public safety need for targeted sex offender restrictions.

That may soon change. Pending before the Supreme Court is a petition for writ of certiorari in Doe v. Snyder, the 6th Circuit’s maverick decision to reject the “frightening and high” recidivism canard, in holding that Michigan’s civil sex offender law is unconstitutional. Hamilton argues that “Snyder’s engagement with scientific evidence has the potential to change the jurisprudence surrounding sex offender laws.”

reoffend130310With the Doe v. Snyder certiorari issue to be decided in the next few weeks, the argument against the 80% figure gain traction yesterday with a U.S. Sentencing Commission release of The Past Predicts the Future: Criminal History & Recidivism of Federal Offenders. The study, which is third in a USSC series on the topic, reported that persons convicted of child pornography had a recidivism rate of 37.6%, lower than any other category of offense except economic crimes (which, at 35.9%, was almost indistinguishable). Violent crime offenders, by contrast, reoffended at a 64.1% rate, and drug traffickers at a 50.0% rate.

lies170310Benjamin Disraeli (or Mark Twain, no one’s really sure) famously said, “There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies, and statistics.” He has a “frightening and high” 80% chance of being right.

New York Times, Did the Supreme Court Base a Ruling on a Myth? (Mar. 6, 2017)

Hamilton, Constitutional Law and the Role of Scientific Evidence: The Transformative Potential of Doe v. Snyder, 58:E.Supp Boston College Law Review, (2017)

U.S. Sentencing Commission, The Past Predicts the Future: Criminal History & Recidivism of Federal Offenders (Mar. 9, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Recuse Me – Update For March 9, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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THE JUDGE IN THE TOWN’S GOT BLOODSTAINS ON HIS HANDS…

We confess to a lack of creativity. This is the second time in less than a month that we’ve pinned our theme to lyrics from Vicki Lawrence’s 1973 hit, The Night the Lights Went Out in Georgia. What compounds our intellectual felons is that the judge in today’s report had hands stained green, not red.

The big Supreme Court news Monday was the unsurprising (to us, at least) Pena-Rodriguez v. Colorado decision, in which the Court held that the sanctity of the jury room could be invaded where a juror showed racial bias. The decision of importance to our readers, Beckles v. United States, ran a distant second in the news. And the case we’re looking at today, a summary disposition in Rippo v. Baker, was almost completely ignored.

bribeB160627Mike Rippo is a Nevada death-row inmate who alleged that the judge in his state trial was biased. Mike was tried for two murders in 1992. Shortly after his trial started, newspaper stories revealed the judge, Gerard Bongiovanni, was under investigation by a federal grand jury for allegedly taking bribes. Mike moved for the judge’s recusal as a matter of due process, contending that a judge could not impartially adjudicate a case in which one of the parties was criminally investigating him. Mike argued the judge had a motive to favor the prosecution in his case, in order to curry favor.

The DA falsely denied that his office was part of the bribery probe, and the judge himself said he did not know about any state law enforcement involvement in the fed’s investigation. The trial went on, and Mike was convicted. But after the trial ended, the judge was indicted by a federal grand jury for bribery unrelated to Mike’s case.

vegas170309In a later state post-conviction proceeding, Mike advanced his bias claim again, this time pointing to documents from the judge’s criminal trial indicating that the district attorney’s office had participated in the bribery investigation. The state court denied the motion, and the Nevada Supreme Court affirmed. It reasoned that Mike was not entitled to discovery or an evidentiary hearing because his allegations “did not support the assertion that the trial judge was actually biased in this case.”

The U.S. Supreme Court dithered over Mike’s petition for certiorari, re-listing it for conference five times. Finally, last Monday the Court summarily reversed the Nevada courts and sent the case back.

The Nevada courts’ error, last Monday’s short opinion said, was in applying the wrong legal standard. The due process clause “may sometimes demand recusal even when a judge has no actual bias,” the Court ruled. “Recusal is required when, objectively speaking, the probability of actual bias on the part of the judge or decision-maker is too high to be constitutionally tolerable.”

 The Rippo decision may save some people from writing pleadings on the sides of their cars…
The Rippo decision may save some people from writing pleadings on the sides of their cars…

The test is not “whether a judge harbors an actual, subjective bias, but instead whether, as an objective matter, the average judge in his position is likely to be neutral, or whether there is an unconstitutional potential for bias.” To make out a bias complaint, a litigant need not “show as a matter of course that a judge was actually biased in the litigant’s case.” Such a standard would be nearly impossible to meet. Instead, it is enough if “the circumstances alleged” are such that “the risk of bias” is too high to be constitutionally tolerable.

And how high is too high? We’ll have to wait for further opinions to resolve that.

Rippo v. Baker, Case No. 16-6316 (March 6, 2017) per curiam

– Thomas L. Root

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Does the Beckles Cloud Have a Silver Lining? – Update for March 7, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SUPREME COURT FURTHER MUDDLES GUIDELINES

In a decision long awaited by federal inmates, the Supreme Court yesterday held that unlike criminal statutes, the federal sentencing guidelines can never be void for vagueness. But in so ruling, the Court may have weakened the guidelines rather than strengthened them.

silverlining170307The history: In 2015, the Supreme Court ruled in Johnson v. United States that a part of the definition of “crime of violence” found in the Armed Career Criminal Act – the “residual clause” that swept up offenses with a significant chance that someone might get hurt as being violent – was unconstitutionally vague. That ruling made sense: crimes such as drunk driving and not stopping for the police were being called “violent,” and on the strength of such dubious definitions, the law was making 51-month sentences into 15-year bits.

Unfortunately, the definition of “crime of violence” (along with the “residual clause”) was not just an ACCA provision. Instead, the same definition had metastasized throughout the criminal code and guidelines. Under the legal principle that quid est ius gander anserem condimentum (“what’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander”), inmates whose sentences had been shot into low-earth orbit by the guidelines’ “career offender” provision immediately began arguing that their sentences were based on an unconstitutionally vague “residual clause” as well.

sauce170307The United States Sentencing Commission lent some support to the argument. After Johnson, the Commission changed the guidelines’ “crime of violence” definition to comport with Johnson. But a few courts of appeal held that guidelines are different from statutes, and could never be void for vagueness.

Yesterday’s Decision: Beckles v. United States was such a case. Travis Beckles had been sentenced to double prison time for possessing a sawed-off shotgun under the “career offender” guideline. If the ACCA “crime of violence” definition was unintelligible, Travis argued, so was the guidelines definition that matched it word for word.

Yesterday, the Supreme Court disagreed. Because guidelines are merely advisory and judges hold the final authority on sentences, the Court held, defendants cannot successfully argue that a sentencing guideline is so vaguely worded as to violate the constitutional right to due process. Laws that “fix” the sentencing range can be challenged in ways that “advisory guidelines” simply cannot.

The Fallout: Beckles hobbles what has up to now been a well-honed defense tool, while exposing contradictions between the guidelines in theory and in practice in a way that almost guarantees further litigation.

Not if it's in the guidelines...
Not if it’s in the guidelines…

One former federal prosecutor notes, “Saying those guidelines can’t be challenged for vagueness takes away a tool for review and puts the onus on the Sentencing Commission to keep going back and looking at how they are being applied.”

Up to 2005, judges had been required by law to apply the Guidelines in sentencing. But in United States v. Booker, the Supreme Court decided mandatory guidelines the Sentencing Reform Act of 1984 created were unconstitutional. Instead of throwing the whole law out, the court decided the guidelines should be considered advisory.

The broad opinion Justice Clarence Thomas wrote in Beckles built on Booker, differentiates between sentencing provisions in laws like the ACCA and the guidelines, which are subject to district courts’ discretion.

A former associate deputy attorney general who is now a law professor said the Beckles decision is a symptom of the hybrid situation that flowed from Booker: “You live in this weird world where the guidelines are both advisory and highly influential.”

Justice Sonia Sotomayor concurred in Beckles with a scathing rejection of the majority’s reasoning. She argued that while the guidelines may be “advisory” in name, in practice judges often consider them a default, meaning they should get the same treatment as a law under the constitution. Ironically, this is the same argument that helped carry the day in a 2011 decision, Peugh v. United States, which held the guidelines could be subject to an ex post facto analysis.

Sotomayor argued that Booker tweaked the guidelines’s status but left them at the heart of the sentencing consideration — or as the court put it last year in Molina-Martinez v. United States, the “basis” for the sentence. “It follows from the central role that the guidelines play at sentencing,” Sotomayor wrote, “that they should be susceptible to vagueness challenges under the due process clause,” she wrote.

sweetbrown170307Another law professor who filed an amicus brief in Beckles argued yesterday that the majority’s ruling ignores the “messy reality” of federal sentencing. “It reads as though the federal sentencing guidelines are just advice for district court judges that they can take or leave as they want, but that’s just not true,” she said.

An optimistic footnote to Beckles: Justice Kennedy’s short concurring opinion may hint at another option for defendants. He wrote that while the legal tests for constitutional vagueness are ill fitted to the sentencing guidelines, a defendant might still run into a sentence that is “so arbitrary that it implicates constitutional concerns.” Kennedy said, “In that instance, a litigant might use the word vague in a general sense — that is to say, imprecise or unclear — in trying to establish that the sentencing decision was flawed.”

Most notably, Beckles underscores to district court judges that the guidelines are not just purely advisory, but occupy a place in the law that is considerably less that statute, and perhaps much less than regulation as well. “It sends a signal to district court judges and reinforces the message that is already out there that these guidelines are purely advisory,” one lawyer said.

That may embolden courts to deviate from guidelines to an even greater extent than they have before. Courts have repeatedly held that a within-guidelines sentence is “presumptively reasonable.” If those guidelines can be so vague as to defy fairness – too vague to survive a constitutional analysis were they statutes – how long can such a reasonableness presumption endure?

Beckles v. United States, Case No. 15–8544 (March 6, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Vlad Gets Impaled? – Update for March 6, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SCHADENFREUDE

schaden170306English lacks any word that captures the essense of “schadenfreude,” a German word meaning taking delight in the misfortune of others. But schadenfreude is what anyone caring about the future of sentence reform must be feeling at the firestorm aimed at Attorney General Jeff Sessions – our own 21st Century American version of Vlad the Impaler – this past week.

The man who as a senator led the battle against the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2015, and as Attorney General has rescinded the BOP ban on further use of private prisons, was accused last week of perjuring himself when he told a Senate committee during his confirmation hearings that he had not had contacts with the Russian government while working with the Trump campaign. After revelations that he had met twice with the Russian ambassador, Democrats predictably called for his resignation.

Even if Sessions didn’t commit perjury during his confirmation hearing, he could still be in other kinds of legal trouble. “It is, at best, very misleading testimony,” said Richard Painter, formerly the top ethics lawyer in President George W. Bush’s White House. “I don’t go so far as to say that it’s perjury, but there is a lesser charge of failing to provide accurate information to Congress. A nominee at a confirmation hearing has an obligation to provide full and complete information to Congress. Conduct that might be just short of perjury in a deposition in a typical civil case is entirely inappropriate in front of Congress.”

Late last week, Sessions recused himself from involvement in any probe of Russian contacts with the Trump administration. The man Trump has nominated to hold that No. 2 DOJ job, Rod Rosenstein, faces a Senate confirmation hearing this week where Sessions’ testimony and the potential for a special prosecutor are now expected to take center stage.

liar170209The damage to Sessions’ reputation from the Russian disclosure could be substantial. He is a self-styled Mr. Law-and-Order, whose supposed respect for the rule of law has led him to fight against lightening drug sentences, because all drug dealers are “violent criminals.” He also opposes a path to citizenship for people who entered the country illegally. During his confirmation hearings, Sessions’s supporters repeatedly cited his “integrity” as so unquestionable that those alleging impure motives on his part during his days as a federal prosecutor were guilty of character assassination.

New York magazine last week said “Sessions is now seriously damaged goods after all the endless and interminable and redundant assurances he and his friends have made about his spotless honesty and love for the majesty of the law. He should have told the whole truth during his confirmation hearings. That’s the simple proposition that all the finger-pointing and blame-shifting his allies try to utilize to get him out of this self-imposed jam cannot obscure.”

The hobbling or, even better, removal of Sessions as Attorney General would be opportune. In his reversal of the private prison ban two weeks ago, Sessions hinted that increasing private prison capacity was premised on the “future needs” of the federal prison system. This suggests that many of the reforms of recent years may be subject to a substantial shift in policy, one that reverses the recent reductions in federal prison population.

vlad170306After almost eight weeks of the new Congress, no sentencing reform bills have yet been offered. Replacement of Sessions with virtually anyone more reasonable that Vlad the Impaler might improve the odds that Congress would take up such a measure. But Ohio State University law professor Doug Berman, who writes the respected Sentencing Law and Policy Blog, said last Thursday that he is “inclined to believe that AG Sessions and Prez Trump will resist these calls for the AG to resign over this latest Russian kerfuffle, but in all sorts of ways this development is disconcerting for the future work of the Department of Justice. Sessions seemed to me a controversial choice primarily because of his policy positions, and a whole lots of reputable folks were quick to assert that Sessions was a man of integrity who had the kind of values and character needed to be an effective Attorney General. This latest development would seem to weaken that claim and more broadly weaken Sessions’ ability to be an effective AG.”

Berman suspects Sessions’ decision to recuse himself “from any matters arising from the campaigns for President of the United States” will be “more than good enough for Prez Trump and just good enough for most Republicans in Congress and not good enough for most Democrats in Congress.” After all, as the Wall Street Journal observed this morning, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer “may eventually call for everyone in the Trump Administration to resign.

USNews, The Price of Private Prisons (Feb. 25, 2017)

Washington Post, Six times Jeff Sessions talked about perjury, access and recusal — when it involved the Clintons (Mar. 2, 2017)

Business Insider, Top Bush ethics lawyer: Russia could have blackmail on Sessions, and he must resign (Mar. 2, 2017)

Politico, Sessions could face legal ordeal over testimony (Mar. 2, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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How Much Explanation is Enough? – Update for March 3, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BECAUSE I SAID SO

Many of us vowed that when we became parents, we would never dismiss our kids’ demand for an explanation with the peremptory ipse dixit “because I said so.” And just as many of us kept that promise only until our children began to talk.

Saidso170303There was a time when a judge only had a statutory sentencing range, and could sentence anywhere within the range on any whim he or she had. The judge could slap someone with 10 years, and the heavy lifting of figuring out where within that 10-year period the prisoner was released fell to the Parole Commission.

The Sentencing Guidelines, now approaching 30 years of age, changed all of that. The judge now did all the work, assigning a criminal history score to the defendant, determining the total offense level in points, and then using a matrix to determine a sentencing range. The range – much narrower that the statutory punishment specified in the U.S. Code – left the court with scant discretion. A crime might carry a 0-10 year statutory sentencing range, but the Guidelines gave the court a sentencing range of 71-87 months.

With the district court’s greater involvement in the sentencing calculus came greater demands that the district court do more than just impose a sentence without an explanation, the “because I say so” approach. After United States v. Booker made the Guidelines “advisory” – giving back to the judges some of the discretion the Guidelines had originally taken away – a collection of Supreme Court cases laid down the requirements that sentences be “procedurally reasonable” (that the Guidelines be calculated accurately) and that they likewise be “substantively reasonable,” in other words, not appear to be too unfair.

Because courts of appeal cannot review a sentence for reasonableness without knowing why the district court decided on the sentence it imposed, appellate courts imposed on trial judges the responsibility to explain their sentencing decisions rather than imposing a sentence simply because the judge says so.

A group hug of legislators is not nearly as cute...
A group hug of legislators is not nearly as cute...

Mark Wireman, a serial kiddie porn offender, had a sentencing range of 210-262 months, due to his lengthy criminal history, and to the child porn Guidelines, which pile on enhancements for number of images stored, for use of a computer, and a host of other offense attributes that apply in virtually every kid porn offense. There is little doubt that society finds child pornography odious. Congress certainly finds it an issue that draws lawmakers of both parties into a group hug and chorus of “kumbaya,” followed by unanimously-passed legislation in which each legislator tries to out-tough the other in being harsh on kiddie porn.

As a result, most of the child porn Guidelines were written not after a reasoned consideration of data but because Congress, in a bipartisan tough-on-porn frenzy, dictated how it should read. More than one court has complained that it should have to pay deference to the Draconian sentences recommended by the child-porn Guidelines, because those Guidelines were not data-driven.

Mark was lucky enough to have a team of public defenders representing him. As a group, federal public defenders deliver spirited and experienced representation seldom seen in retained counsel until one gets to blue-chip law firms. Mark’s defenders wrote a top-drawer sentencing memorandum that the policy underlying the child porn Guidelines was flawed:

First, that § 2G2.2(a)(2)’s base offense level of 22 is “harsher than necessary” under the 18 U.S.C. § 3553(a) sentencing factors; second, that courts should be hesitant to rely on § 2G2.2 because the Sentencing Commission did not depend on empirical data when drafting §  2G2.2; and third, that the Specific Offense Characteristics outlined in § 2G2.2 are utilized so often ‘that they apply in nearly every child-pornography case’ and therefore fail to distinguish between various offenders.

Mark also that his own circumstances – including a traumatizing childhood where he was repeatedly sexually abused by family members and the fact that in this case he shared a relatively small amount of child pornography with only one other – of warranted a downward variance from this excessive guideline range.

The sentencing court said, “Frankly, I’m struggling with a lot of the issues that have been raised in… Defendant’s counsel’s memorandum…” but made no further reference to the filing. Ultimately, the court, concerned with the risk that Mark would keep committing the same or similar offenses, sentenced him within the advisory Guidelines range to 240 months.

This week, the 10th Circuit affirmed the sentence, rejecting Mark’s complaints that the district court ignored his counsel’s sentencing memorandum. Specifically, Mark argued that where the defendant attacked the Guidelines on policy grounds – an attack becoming increasingly common in child sex cases – a district court is obligated to address the claim.

kittyporn160829The 10th disagreed, nothing that while “a district court must explain its reasons for rejecting a defendant’s nonfrivolous arguments for a more lenient sentence,” and while a district court may even “vary from the Sentencing Guidelines based on a policy disagreement with those Guidelines,” the manner in which a district court must explain its reasons for rejecting a defendant’s arguments is not “set in stone across all cases.” Where, as in this case, “the district court has imposed a sentence within the Guidelines, our cases have noted that the district court need not specifically address and reject each of the defendant’s arguments for leniency so long as the court somehow indicates that it did not rest on the guidelines alone, but considered whether the guideline sentence actually conforms, in the circumstances, to the 18 U.S.C. § 3553(a) statutory factors.”

The Circuit said it was “not persuaded that the principle we note… that a district court need not specifically address and instead may functionally reject a defendant’s arguments for leniency when it sentences him within the Guidelines range — should differ just because the defendant critiques the applicable Guideline itself on policy grounds, as Defendant does in the case before us today. In our circuit, a within- guideline-range sentence that the district court properly calculated… is entitled to a rebuttable presumption of reasonableness on appeal… We would be disregarding the spirit of this appellate presumption if we were to require the district court to defend § 2G2.2 or any other Guideline that leads to such a presumptively reasonable sentence.”

United States v. Wireman, Case No. 15-3291 (10th Circuit, Feb. 28, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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1st Circuit Seeks to Limit Application of “Ostrich Instruction” – Update for February 28, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BURY YOUR HEAD IN A COCKTAIL NAPKIN

A 1st Circuit insider-trading decision last Friday provided some head-shaking at the way the defendants passed the stock tip between themselves, and an interesting consideration of the “ostrich instruction.”

bob170228Bob Bray was a contractor and real estate developer (think “Bob the Builder”). He was also an avid golfer, and became drinking and dining buddies with John O’Neill, a bank mergers-and-acquisitions executive. Over the years, they tipped back a lot of cold ones and ate plenty of burgers. Bob became a family friend, and helped John’s son land a few summer jobs.

From time to time, Bob would ask John for stock tips, and John would suggest certain bank stocks, based on public information. No problem there. But one day in 2010, Bob told John he needed a big financial score so he could afford a large real estate project.

John replied that he knew of several good bank investments, but while he talked, he wrote the word “Wainwright” on a cocktail napkin and slid it across the table. John knew from work that Wainwright was a takeover target, and he had been tasked to do “due diligence” on the acquisition. He also knew that the information was confidential, and that he was duty-bound to keep it that way.

napkin170228Bob the Builder sold everything he had, and as quickly as he could, bought thousands of shares of Wainwright Bank, a local institution. Sure enough, a few weeks later, a big bank announced it was gobbling up little Wainwright, and Bob doubled his money.

Bob was a “go big or go home” kind of guy, which means that his purchase of all of that stock left a really big blip in the trading history. Pretty soon, private regulators started asking questions, then the SEC, and finally the U.S. Attorney.

Bob and John were convicted of insider trading. Last week, the 1st Circuit upheld the conviction.

Much of the appellate decision discusses issues which are interesting enough, but not what we’re writing about here. We want to focus on Bob’s complaint that the district court gave the jury a flawed “conscious avoidance” instruction.

The doctrine of “conscious avoidance” (also called “willful blindness”) is a judge-made doctrine that expands the definition of knowledge to a case where a defendant is found to have willfully closed his eyes to the high probability a fact exists. While the doctrine originated in the context of drug trafficking cases, it has since been expanded to a wide array of prosecutions and is increasingly used in the white-collar cases.

ostrich170228The jury instruction – often called the “ostrich instruction” because the defendant has figuratively buried his head in the sand, benefits the government. It’s an instruction that often is requested where the government’s evidence of actual knowledge is pretty slim. Defense attorneys complain (with some justification) that “the instruction invites the jury to convict based on evidence of mere negligence or recklessness.”

One of the issues in Bob’s case was whether he knew that John had a duty to keep the Wainwright information confidential. Bob argued on appeal that he should get a new trial because the district court wrongly instructed the jury on the mens rea element of his offense. The district court erroneously told the jury that it could convict Bob of securities fraud so long as it found that he “knew or . . . should have known” that O’Neill had breached a duty of confidentiality by giving him the Wainwright tip. Bray also complained that the district court’s instructions erred by equating the concept of “willful blindness” with negligence.

The 1st Circuit agreed that “the district court clearly erred in defining the ‘willful blindness’ standard.” Willful blindness has “an appropriately limited scope that surpasses recklessness and negligence,” the Circuit said, “and expressly contrasting willful blindness with ‘a negligent defendant… who should have known of a similar risk but, in fact, did not” was wrong. The Court held:

A willful blindness instruction is meant to inform jurors that they may impose criminal liability on people who, recognizing the likelihood of wrongdoing, nonetheless consciously refuse to take basic investigatory steps. The instruction in this case, however, mistakenly suggested that the jury could find “consciously and deliberately avoided learning” about the violation.

Unfortunately for Bob, his attorney did not object to the instruction at trial, so the review on appeal was under the FRCrimP 52(b) “plain error” standard. The fourth prong of “plain error” is whether the mistake “distort[ed] the fairness or integrity of lower court proceedings in some extreme way.” Here, the Court said, it did not, because the evidence was ample that Bob knew the moment the napkin was wordlessly slid across the table that he was getting inside information that John had no right to provide. In the law business, that’s called “actual knowledge.”

Bob scored over $300,000 on the sale of his Wainwright stock. And then, he lost big.

United State v. Bray, Case No. 16-1579 (1st Cir., Feb. 24, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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A Trio of Significant Decisions – Update for February 27, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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7th CIRCUIT SAYS KIDNAPPING NOT CRIME OF VIOLENCE

Antwon Jenkins was convicted of kidnapping and carrying a firearm during a crime of violence. He appealed, claiming the government had violated the plea agreement. He got 188 months for the kidnapping and another 120 months for the 18 USC 924(c) charge.

kidnap170227Before the appeal was decided, Johnson v. United States was decided by the Supreme Court, holding the residual clause of the Armed Career Criminal Act was unconstitutionally vague. Antwon amended his appeal to claim that the 924(c) conviction was void, because kidnapping could only be a crime of violence under the residual clause, making the conviction unconstitutional under Johnson.

Last Friday, the 7th Circuit agreed. It found that the first element of kidnapping – unlawfully seizing, confining, inveigling, decoying, kidnapping, abducting, or carrying away — does not necessarily require the use of force. The government argued that because the second element, holding for ransom or reward or otherwise, must be unlawful, it necessarily requires at a minimum the threat of physical force, but the Circuit disagreed. “Holding can be accomplished without physical force. For example, a perpetrator could lure his victim into a room and lock the victim inside against his or her will. This would satisfy the holding element of kidnapping under 18 USC § 1201(a) without using, threatening to use, or attempting to use physical force.”

The decision brings the 7th Circuit into harmony with other circuits that have held that similar crimes of false imprisonment and kidnapping by deception do not have physical force as an element.”

Antwon had not raised the issue in the trial court, but the 7th found that despite this, he had met the stringent FRCrimP 52(b) “plain error” standard for bringing it up for the first time on appeal. The Court said, “A 120‐month prison sentence for a nonexistent crime undermines the fairness of the judicial proceedings and cannot stand.”

United States v. Jenkins, Case No. 14-2898 (7th Cir., Feb. 24, 2017)
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WHO YOU GONNA BELIEVE?

For state prisoners who have exhausted their habeas corpus claims, 28 USC § 2254 permits filing the claims in federal court. Such cases are not easy to win, because federal courts will go with the state court’s decision unless it’s absolutely unreasonable. Even filing the cases on time is tough.

Mostly, 2254 does not affect federal prisoners, but a decision last Friday by the 11th Circuit delivers a stark message that federal inmate litigants should take to heart: if your lawyer drops your case without telling you, that’s one thing. But if he or she is just stupid – even really, really stupid – you’re bound by counsel’s mistakes.

Ernest Cadet, a Florida prisoner, was denied habeas corpus relief in state court. Under the convoluted rules that apply to 2254 motions, his one-year clock then started running for filing in federal court. It stopped with only 5 days left when he filed for review with the Florida Supreme Court.

But even an average lawyer should know how to count...
But even an average lawyer should know how to count…

While his Supreme Court petition was pending, Ernie hired Attorney Goodman, a guy who may have been a “good man” but was a lousy attorney. When the Supreme Court turned Ernie’s motion down, the inmate told Goodman they didn’t have much time to file a 2254. He said inmates in the law library warned him that he had to act fast. Goodwin replied he had read the statute, and Ernie had a full year, asking “who are you going to believe, the real lawyer or the jailhouse lawyer?”

The correct answer was “the jailhouse lawyer.” Goodwin filed the motion within the time he thought Ernie had, but it really about a year late. The federal district court threw out the petition as untimely. Ernie appealed.

The 11th Circuit upheld the dismissal. Inmates love to talk about “equitable tolling” as an end run around statutory deadlines, but the plain fact, the Circuit said, is that equitable tolling is an extraordinary remedy “limited to rare and exceptional circumstances and typically applied sparingly.” To warrant equitable tolling, a prisoner has to show he has been pursuing his rights diligently but that some extraordinary circumstance prevented timely filing.

lawyermistake170227The Court said attorney miscalculation of a filing deadline “is simply not sufficient to warrant equitable tolling, particularly in the post-conviction context where prisoners have no constitutional right to counsel.” The relevant distinction should be between attorney negligence – which is “constructively attributable to the client” – and “attorney misconduct that is not constructively attributable” to the client because counsel has abandoned the prisoner. A lawyer’s “near-total failure to communicate with petitioner or to respond to petitioner’s many inquiries and requests over a period of several years” might be abandonment. “Common sense,” Justice Alito concluded in a prior Supreme Court case, “dictates that a litigant cannot be held constructively responsible for the conduct of an attorney who is not operating as his agent in any meaningful sense of that word.”

The problem in this case is that Goodman never abandoned Ernie. He kept communicating, but arrogantly dismissed the possibility Ernie and his jailhouse lawyer friends might be right without doing as much as five minutes’ worth of research to see whether they might be.

Ernie “acted with reasonable diligence,” the Court said, “but the reasonable diligence and extraordinary circumstance requirements are not blended factors; they are separate elements, both of which must be met before there can be any equitable tolling.” Just because an agent (the lawyer) is grossly negligent does not mean he had abandoned his principal (the client).

Goodman was stupid, but he did not disappear on Ernie. The 11th held that “because the attorney is the prisoner’s agent, and under well-settled principles of agency law, the principal bears the risk of negligent conduct on the part of his agent… as a result, when a petitioner’s post-conviction attorney misses a filing deadline, the petitioner is bound by the oversight.

Cadet v. State of Florida DOC, Case No. 12-14518 (11th Cir., Feb. 24, 2017)
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CAN YOU HEAR ME NOW?

In a remarkable decision handed down by the 4th Circuit last Thursday, a deaf inmate’s claim that the BOP violated his 8th Amendment and 1st Amendment rights by denying him a sign-language interpreter and videophone link.

hearme170227The inmate complained that he was denied an interpreter to assist at medical appointments, and to enable him to take a class required because of the nature of his offense. He also said communications with the outside was limited to an antiquated TTY phone device, which he could only use when a BOP staff person trained in TTY was available to supervise. Often, he said, he was denied TTY access because of staff shortages or just because of arbitrary reasons, and he could never use the TTY on nights or weekends.

The Circuit reversed a district court decision that threw out all of the claims, saying the inmate did not have to show he had been harmed by the 8th Amendment deliberate indifference, just that there was a substantial risk of harm. As for the 1st Amendment claim, the Court swept away BOP claims of the security risks of a videophone, holding that the Bureau could easily monitor videophone calls just as it did TTY calls.

The BOP tried to derail the case by promising to provide interpreters in the future, stating that inmates would be provided “with a qualified interpreter… if necessary for effective communication during religious ceremonies or programs.” That was good enough for the district court, but the 4th swept the promises aside: “It is well established that a defendant’s voluntary cessation of a challenged practice moots an action only if subsequent events made it absolutely clear that the allegedly wrongful behavior could not reasonably be expected to recur,” the Court said. “Even if we ignore the equivocation inherent in the promise to provide interpreters ‘if necessary’ the statement amounts to little more than a ‘bald assertion’ of future compliance, which is insufficient to meet BOP’s burden.”

Heyer v. Bureau of Prisons, Case No. 15-6826 (4th Cir., Feb. 23, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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