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A Shot Across DOJ’s Bow – Update for May 19, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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IN RESPONSE TO SESSIONS’ GET-TOUGH MEMO, A LITTLE SENTENCE REFORM…

shot170522In an obvious shot across the Trump Administration’s bow, Senators Rand Paul (R-Kentucky), Patrick Leahy (D-Vermont) and Jeff Merkley (D-Oregon) on Tuesday reintroduced the Justice Safety Valve Act, S. 1127. Representatives Bobby Scott (D-Virginia) and Thomas Massie (R-Kentucky) did the same in the House of Representatives with H.R. 2435.

Earlier this week, Attorney General Jeff Sessions ordered federal prosecutors to bring the most serious charges and maximum sentences in their cases, meaning stricter enforcement of mandatory minimum sentences that was the rule under the Bush and most of the Obama administrations. The Justice Safety Valve Act would act as a check on that, giving federal judges discretion to impose sentences below mandatory minimums where they believed it necessary to honor the sentencing factors of 18 U.S.C. § 3553(a).

Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III
      Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III

“Mandatory minimum sentences disproportionally affect minorities and low-income communities, while doing little to keep us safe and turning mistakes into tragedies,” Paul said in a press release. “As this legislation demonstrates, Congress can come together in a bipartisan fashion to change these laws.”

Scott said, “Attorney General Sessions’ directive to all federal prosecutors to charge the most serious offenses, including mandatory minimums, ignores the fact that mandatory minimum sentences have been studied extensively and have been found to distort rational sentencing systems, discriminate against minorities, waste money, and often require a judge to impose sentences that violate common sense. To add insult to injury, studies have shown that mandatory minimum sentences fail to reduce crime. Our bill will give discretion back to federal judges, so that they can consider all the facts, issues, and circumstances before sentencing.”

The legislative equivalent of this...
     The legislative equivalent of this…

Although called “The Justice Safety Valve Act,” the bills do not really extend the “safety valve” provision in § 3553(f), which is a good thing. Section 3553(f) limits its application to people meeting a restrictive criteria. Instead, as presently drafted, the bill simply expands a judge’s discretion without any limitations imposed beyond those guiding courts under § 3553(a). In fact, the measures as written would strip away the last compulsory restrictions hold judges back from using discretion.

Paul acknowledged to reporters that lawmakers will have an “uphill battle” getting support from the White House for the sentencing reform bill. As a Republican senator, Sessions was a leading opponent of last year’s sentencing reform legislation. But with the bright star of the new Administration fading rapidly, Sessions’ views may be less and less relevant, and indeed, the harder he pushes law and order, the more Congress might be convinced to pass sentencing reform.

Press Release, Paul, Leahy, Merkley, Scott, & Massie Lead Bipartisan, Bicameral Introduction of the Justice Safety Valve Act (May 16, 2017)

Washington Post, Bipartisan group of senators push back on Sessions’s order to pursue most severe penalties (May 17, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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DOJ Maintains Two Standards for Disclosure of Misconduct – Update for May 17, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BEHAVING BADLY

Forgive us for observing that as a group – and we concede there are a few exceptions – Assistant United States Attorneys who handle criminal matters are as sanctimonious a lot as a conclave of newly-converted vegans. It’s hardly their fault: look at their leader, Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III.

Attorney General Jeffrey Sessions
Attorney General Jefferson B. Sessions III

In 2009 the man opposed the appointment of an attorney to head DOJ’s Civil Rights Division because 27 years before he had represented a defendant accused of killing a copy, saying his opposition “was based upon the fact that the civil rights division ‘must protect the civil rights of all Americans’ and not be used as a tool to further the political agenda of ‘special interest groups’.” Most recently, he said, “Drugs and crime go hand in hand… Drug trafficking is an inherently violent business.”

OK, to be fair, prosecutors have always thought they were on the side of the angels, and therefore, no holds are barred in winning a conviction. And sure, every newly minted AUSA can quote the aphorism from Berger v. United States that while a prosecutor “may strike hard blows, he is not at liberty to strike foul ones.”

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And that happens? You could ask the late Senator Ted Stevens (R-Alaska), if he weren’t dead. Or check in with Reddy Annappareddy, a guy who isn’t dead, and whose federal healthcare fraud case folded like a cheap suit a couple weeks ago after the judge found “multiple instances of prosecutor misconduct.” Finally, watch between now and June 30th to see what the Supreme Court holds in Overton v. United States, a Brady case in which the prosecution is accused essentially of keeping the wrong guys locked up for 33 years by hiding evidence.

But this is not about misconduct in the U.S. Attorney’s Office as much as it is about the double standard DOJ uses when such misconduct is found. A defendant is convicted and then sentenced, and the DOJ gleefully piles it on with a supercilious press release like this one, about a Navy admiral whose career is in tatters and pension gone, and is now headed off to a camp somewhere for about 15 months net.

The Admiral was high profile, and so his conviction will live forever on the Internet anyway. But how about some poor schmuck in North Carolina who just got 120 months for a tax preparation fraud? Someday he’ll be back in society, and the DOJ press release will dog his heels on the Internet for the rest of his life.

romance170517If you’re going to do that kind of thing, the least the public should expect is that you’re consistent. Yesterday, the Dept. of Justice Office of Inspector General announced that it had found that “a United States Attorney (USA), now retired, engaged in misconduct by engaging in an intimate personal relationship with a high‐level, but subordinate, supervisor in the Office (Supervisory AUSA).”

That’s right. No names, no location, no time frame. The U.S. Attorney – appointed by the president and approved by the Senate – did something that “gave the appearance of partiality, created a difficult work environment, and violated Executive branch‐wide standards of conduct, federal ethics regulations, and possibly federal regulations and DOJ policy regarding sexual harassment in the workplace.” But we’re not allowed to know who the malefactor was, because – however badly he behaved – he was one of “them.”

hypocrisy170518By the way, the “Supervisory AUSA” – who apparently still works there – “inadvertently failed to report spousal stock trades completely and accurately on required financial disclosure forms.” One might reasonably think that the public has an interest in knowing that a “Supervisory AUSA,” who is given substantial responsibility for holding other people accountable (and who generally ensures that AUSA sanctimony is the rule rather than the exception, was cavorting with his or her boss and, at the same time, was negligent (or worse) with his or her own financial reporting of the cuckolding spouse.

One might reasonably think that, but one would be wrong.

– Thomas L. Root

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Sessions Channels His Inner Ashcroft – Update for May 15, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SESSIONS GETS TOUGH ON DRUG CRIMES
Attorney General Jeffrey Sessions
Attorney General Jeffrey Sessions

Attorney General Jeffrey Sessions last week walked back Eric Holder’s 2014 DOJ order to go easy on drug offenders, telling federal prosecutors to “charge and pursue the most serious, readily provable offense” in drug cases, even when that would trigger mandatory minimum sentencing. The new policy cancels the Obama administration’s attempts to pull back on harsh sentencing strategies, which had produced a huge growth in prison populations, restoring the take-it-to-the-limit policies from a 2003 memo written by George W. Bush AG John Ashcroft.

The shift highlights the primary role US Attorneys and their minions play in setting federal sentences. The Atlantic said, “Prosecutorial discretion, like gravity, is the unseen force that binds the American criminal-justice system together. Federal prosecutors have a broad array of legal mechanisms at their disposal with which they can ratchet a defendant’s punishment higher or lower, depending on which charges they file and end with plead deals, making the AUSA the most influential actor in the federal system.”

lawandorder161219Sessions’ memo drew universal Democrat condemnation, and caught immediate heat from conservatives, too. Sen. Rand Paul (R-Kentucky) said mandatory minimum sentences “have unfairly and disproportionately incarcerated too many minorities for too long.” Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), one of the conservative leaders in advocating changes to the criminal justice system, lamented, “To be tough on crime we have to be smart on crime. That is why criminal justice reform is a conservative issue.”

The Sessions memo, not wholly unexpected, nevertheless comes at a time when bipartisan support has been quietly building in the Senate for an overhaul of federal sentencing. Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Minority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Illinois) have proposed pushing a modified version of last year’s Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act.

“This policy shift flies in the face of the growing bipartisan consensus that we need to reduce—not increase—the length of prison sentences for nonviolent drug offenders,” Durbin said in a statement Friday.

justicereform161128An organization supported by conservative businessmen Charles and David Koch is also criticizing the Sessions memo. “We favor a different approach which requires changing some of the existing federal laws,” Freedom Partners Chairman Mark Holden said in a statement Friday afternoon. “Fortunately, there are already federal reform bills from last year that have broad bipartisan support that will address this issue. These reforms are consistent with those enacted by many states the past 10 years.”.

Yesterday, conservative blog Hot Air railed against the Sessions memo, arguing that federal law is so bloated that “some people don’t even know they’ve committed a crime because of how many rules and regulations there are on the books. Justice reform in states like Texas and Georgia have shown crime rates and expenses go down when reforms are enacted. The people leading the charge for justice reform aren’t cop haters, but want there to be alternatives to keep those who aren’t hardened criminals from becoming them. Sessions is wrong and should reconsider his horrible memo which won’t help anyone, except maybe prison builders and his own department’s budget. Congress can stop this by enacting sentencing reform, but only if they’re willing to act.”

His hands may end up as tied as were his predecessor's.
His hands may end up as tied as were his predecessor’s.

The Republican response, even more than that from across the aisle, suggests that the Trump administration may soon learn what the Obama Administration realized to its chagrin. It may be able to make a number of changes on the Executive side, such as rolling back federal sentencing reform, increasing federal prosecutions for drug and immigration-related offenses, and expanding federal private prisons. But Trump can no more end criminal justice reform than Obama was able to end mass incarceration from the White House.

Los Angeles Times, Sessions restores tough drug war policies that trigger mandatory minimum sentences (May 12, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Two Outta Three Ain’t Bad – Update for May 11, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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2014 GUIDELINE CHANGE CUT 30,000 DRUG SENTENCES

Back in the good old days, when the Executive Branch pretended to care about rational federal sentencing policies (and we’re not saying that the prior inhabitant of the White House really did, other than to the extent he could use sentence reform to burnish his legacy) the U.S. Sentencing Commission adopted an amendment to the federal sentencing guidelines that reduced by two the offense levels assigned to drug quantities. The 2014 change reduced defendant’s sentencing ranges accordingly.

USSC170511Unlike most changes in the Guidelines, the Sentencing Commission made the 2-level reduction retroactive to people already sentenced. Retroactivity under the Guidelines is not an automatic thing: a defendant must petition his or her sentencing court under 18 USC 3582(c)(2) for a sentence reduction pursuant to the retroactive Guideline. If eligible, an inmate still must convince the court that a reduction of his or her sentence ought to be awarded. Sentencing courts have wide discretion as to what to do with a sentence reduction motion, and district court decisions are nearly bulletproof.

The Sentencing Commission released a report Tuesday on the fallout from the 2014 2-level reduction. Slightly more than 46,000 people applied for the reduction, of whom a few more than 30,000 receive sentence cuts, for a 66% grant rate. Like Meatloaf said, “Two outta three ain’t bad.”

funwithnumbers170511Actually the odds for defendants were even better than that: 24% of the people who applied were not even eligible for the reduction, for reasons ranging from not having been sentenced under the drug guidelines to being locked in place by statutory mandatory minimum sentence. Only 8% of the 46,000 were denied on the merits (although due to sloppy district court records, the number could have been as high as 13%).

sentence170511The average sentence was cut from 144 to 119 months, a 17% reduction. Of those receiving sentence reductions, 32% were convicted for methamphetamines, 28% for powder cocaine, 20% for crack, 9% for pot and 7% for heroin. The racial and ethnic distribution was 30% white, 33% black, and 41% Hispanic. Curiously enough, the defendant’s criminal history seemed to have no effect on likelihood of receiving a sentence cut, with novices and pros alike getting cuts at about the same rate.

Defendants were better off in Chicago than they were in sunny California. The 7th Circuit gave the largest sentence cuts, 33 months off on the average (20% of the original sentence). The 9th Circuit was the stingiest, giving an average cut of 20 months (16% of the sentence).

U.S. Sentencing Commission, 2014 Drug Guidelines Amendment Retroactivity Data Report (May 10, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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A Midsummer Night’s Scheme – Update for May 10, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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JUNE 22 AIN’T NUTHIN BUT A NUMBER

We take a necessary break from our breathless coverage of current events (Comey fired! Republic in Jeopardy!) to address a substantial question that the readers of our email federal prisoner newsletter have been sending for the past few weeks.

habeas170510First, a little background: Contrary to popular belief, the writ of habeas corpus was not created by the Magna Carta Libertatum, but rather derived from the Assize of Clarendon, a decree of Henry II a hundred years after the Battle of Hastings. Habeas corpus (literally, “you have the body”) is an extraordinary writ through which a person can report an unlawful detention or imprisonment and request that the court order the custodian of the person, usually a prison official, bring the prisoner to court to determine if the detention is lawful. William Blackstone, in his classic Commentaries on the Laws of England (1838) described habeas corpus as “the great and efficacious writ, in all manner of illegal confinement.”

By the time the U.S. Constitution was written in 1789, the notion that everyone enjoyed the right to seek a writ of habeas corpus was so ingrained in society that the Constitution’s framers did not see the need to express it, but rather merely to provide that habeas corpus could be suspended only under limited circumstances.

The fact that the right exists does not mean that Congress cannot control it. For federal prisoners, the law provides two methods of exercise. A prisoner may vindicate his or her right to habeas corpus by filing a motion under 28 USC 2255 challenging the legality of his or her conviction or sentence. A habeas corpus action challenging the conditions of confinement – inedible food, abysmal medical care and the like – is brought through 28 USC 2241. There are many asterisks, exceptions and conditions attached to the election of which statute to use, which we won’t go into here. Suffice it to say, we’re talking about the most popular means of continuing to attack one’s conviction and sentence even after losing on appeal – and that’s 28 USC 2255.

corso170112Likewise, we won’t get into all the reasons that Congress has tried its level best to strangle 28 USC 2255 to within an inch of constitutionality. It has, the latest being the strangely named “Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996.” The AEDPA put strict limitations on when a 2255 motion may be filed, and what gyrations a prisoner must endure if he or she wants to file a second one. Of significance to new prisoners is that they have one year from the date their conviction becomes final to file their 2255 motion.

Sometimes there is a change in the law, a Supreme Court holding that some statute or another is unconstitutional. A good example was the Court’s Johnson v. United States decision in 2015, holding that a portion of the Armed Career Criminal Act was unconstitutionally vague. Suddenly, a lot of guys doing serious time for ACCA violations found that they had been convicted unconstitutionally. So what happens to Ira Inmate, who has never filed a 2255 motion but is way beyond his one-year deadline for filing.

The AEDPA made limited provision for situations like Ira’s. If a prisoner comes upon evidence that could not have been reasonably discovered before trial, or if a Supreme Court case recognizes a new right, and the Court makes the decision retroactive to cases on collateral review (that is, habeas corpus), the one-year period runs anew. Cases announcing substantive rules – changes that modify the range of conduct or class of people punished by the criminal law – generally are retroactive. Likewise, watershed rules of criminal procedure, which are procedural rules implicating the fundamental fairness and accuracy of the criminal proceeding, will also have retroactive effect.

The Supreme Court never announces that a decision changing substantive rules or a watershed change in criminal procedural rules is retroactive at the time the decision is rendered. Instead, it waits for a subsequent case directing addressing the retroactivity issue. In the case of Johnson, it required almost 10 months for the Supreme Court to take up the issue of its retroactivity.

falsehope170510As Elvis succinctly put it, “I said all that to say all this…” There are people out there who make a business selling hope to inmates. Hope is a good thing, provided there’s some reasonable basis for it. But we’ve written about the hopemongers before, people who will tell a prisoner anything to get him or her (or the family) to part with money, and sadly enough, we expect we’ll be writing about again.

The latest from the people who brought you “Holloway motions” is an urgent cry that “[t]he Mathis deadline is June 22, 2017 for those of you that believe you have Mathis/Holt/Hinkle/Tanksley claims should not hesitate in getting your free lookup.”

Please look past the run-on sentence to the meat of this breathless assertion. June 22 is the 1-year anniversary (minus one day) of Mathis v. United States. The other decisions – Holt v. United States, United States v. Hinkle, and United States v. Tanksley – are all appellate decisions that applied the procedural instructions of Mathis to decide that one prior state conviction or another no longer qualifies as an ACCA enhancement.

crisis170510Obama advisor Raum Emanuel famously said, “You never let a serious crisis go to waste.” The hopemongers might add to that the suggestion that if there is no serious crisis to latch onto, create one.

The plain facts are these: Mathis is not a substantive change in the law, that is, a case which interpreted any statute to make conduct that was once considered illegal to no longer be illegal. Rather, it was a case about criminal procedure, how to parse statutes to determine whether convictions under them counted as crimes of violence or controlled substance offenses. Every district court that has reached the question has concluded that Mathis is not retroactive. Obviously, the Supreme Court has never considered the question.

As for the other cases the hopemongers have mentioned, Holt, Hinkle and Tanksley, each is a decision of a circuit court of appeals, not the Supreme Court, and thus has no application to the 2255 deadline.

All of this means that neither Mathis nor any of the other mentioned cases has triggered the one-year period for filing a 2255 motion. The clock does not run out on June 22nd, because the clock never started.

Puck won't be busy on Midsummer's Night writing 2255 motions...
Puck won’t be busy on Midsummer’s Night writing 2255 motions…

But June 22nd makes a great “serious crisis” for the hopemongers, and there’s little doubt that they’re making regular runs to the bank, depositing money that inmates and their families will never see again. And the hopemongers will no doubt write some post-conviction schlock for their customers, and that schlock will be dutifully filed. It will then dutifully be bounced by the courts, and become part of the 92% of prisoner filings rejected by the federal courts in this fiscal year.

There are ways, according to each prisoner’s situation, that may enable him or her to raise issue based on an application of Mathis. But the method must be tailored to the inmate’s situation, and in an unfortunately high number of cases, nothing at all may work. To be sure, a cookie-cutter approach based on a phony deadline won’t work for anyone.

A lot of things happened on June 22nd in history. This year, we know for sure it will be the first full day of summer, the day after St. John’s Day. But that’s all. It will not be the expiration of a 1-year 28 USC 2255 deadline for Mathis, because a clock that doesn’t start won’t stop, either. 

– Thomas L. Root

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Return of the ‘Exculpatory “No”’ – Update for May 9. 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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industrialespionage170509It’s hard to resist an appellate decision the begins with a teaser that promises “if you wanted to learn about the secretive and lucrative world of titanium dioxide production, then this was the trial for you.”

Walter Liew is one of those Chinese expats who has never lost his affection for the motherland. In fact, the Chinese government – fairly renowned for stealing every secret, economic or otherwise, that the USA hasn’t nailed down – has honored Walt “for being a patriotic overseas Chinese who has… provided key technologies” to China.

Walt set out to steal a DuPont process for making titanium dioxide (TiO2) – useful for turning everything from paint to Oreo cookie filling white – using a secret process that was much more efficient than anything anyone else owned. Walt’s company vacuumed up DuPont documents and hired ex-DuPont employees in the process, and started building a factory in China to use the stolen process. Someone sent DuPont an anonymous letter, and DuPont investigated, ending up in a lawsuit against Walt and his economic pirates.

TiO2170509When Walt was sued, he of course answered the lawsuit, declaring that his group had never “wrongfully obtained or possessed any” DuPont trade secrets related to its TiO2 chloride process or “misappropriated any information from DuPont or any of its locations.” He also told one of his key employees not to reveal the names of other employees not named in the lawsuit, adding that it would not be “good for anybody, not even good for your family” if the employee revealed their names.

At some point, DuPont sic’ced the FBI on Walt, resulting in a federal indictment against Walt, his wife, his associates and his company.

A lot of the case is narrowly focused on the Economic Espionage Act of 1996, which is not terribly relevant to federal criminal law in general. But a few counts in the indictment allege that Walt obstructed justice by lying in the answer to the civil suit, and tampered with witnesses.

no170509A long time ago, a number of federal circuits – bothered by how easy it was to violate 18 USC 1001, which makes it a felony to utter a false statement to federal agents – ginned up a doctrine known as the ‘exculpatory “no”.’ The idea was that if the friendly FBI agent asked you whether you had sold drugs to little Johnny, and you said, “Of course not, he sold them to me, and in fact grew the pot in the field over yonder,” you were in trouble. But if you merely answered the agent’s question by saying, “No, I did not,” you did not violate 1001. Blurting ‘no’ to a law enforcement accusation was considered a “regrettable but human” response that interfered with no government investigation, and was far outside what the statute was intended to do.

The Supreme Court put an end to the “exculpatory ‘no’” doctrine in 1998. But Walter may have paved the way for its revival, albeit in slightly different form.

Last Friday, the 9th Circuit reversed Walt’s conviction for obstruction of justice. Sure, the denial in the civil suit was false, and sure false statements in a civil action undermine the proceeding’s purpose of determining “the truth of what occurred between the parties in a dispute.” Still, the Circuit said, “the better argument is that the statement in defendants’ answer — that they “never misappropriated any information from DuPont or any of its locations” — is tantamount to a general denial of legal liability. While drawing the line between a factual false statement in an answer and such a general denial can be difficult at times, we believe that the statements at issue here tacked too close to a general denial to constitute obstruction of justice.”

tampering1705090Witness tampering – like 18 USC 1001 – is a offense originally enacted for a very good reason, to keep people from threatening harm to others as a means of getting them to lie or not to testify at all. The government has discovered that the charge is a useful tool to wield against defendants for virtually any contact, however ambiguous (or innocuous).

Walt was convicted of witness tampering for telling his employee not to reveal information, because it would not be “good for anybody, not even good for your family.” The 9th Circuit reversed that conviction, too, holding that the evidence of Walt’s statement, “standing alone, was insufficient to prove beyond a reasonable doubt” that Walt intimidated, threatened, or “corruptly persuaded” his employee to prevent his complete testimony in the DuPont civil lawsuit.

The Court said, “viewed in its most damning light… the evidence shows that Liew provided the same advice that many criminal attorneys would in that situation — to not discuss the matter with anyone, and to risk otherwise could have bad effects on one’s family. Sometimes the best advice for a potential criminal defendant is not to talk to anyone about anything, and Liew’s words appear little more than that.”

We confess to having some trouble with that holding. Walt was trying to convince his guy to testify falsely – even by omission – in a civil action. What a criminal defense attorney would advise, where there was just a civil suit going on, is irrelevant. Refusing to name other employees is not a privilege, nothing one could assert a 5th Amendment privilege to prevent divulging.

We don’t see how Walt’s advice was anything less than an invitation to testify falsely. We suspect this holding will come back to bite the 9th Circuit.

United States v. Liew, Case No. 14-10367 (9th Cir., May 5, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Pay the Man, Shirley – But It’s Not a Sentence – Update for May 8, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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OPPORTUNITY KNOCKS…

For the past 20 years, federal law has required that those convicted of crimes where victims suffer tangible harm pay restitution to those hurt by their conduct.

restitution170508While prosecutors and others of that ilk like to fume that drug offenses – where willing buyers purchase commodities that the government has deemed fit to outlaw from willing sellers – are not victimless, those offenses have thus far been exempted from restitution. But for economic crimes – bank fraud, tax evasion, even where executive misconduct causes a company’s stock price to fall – courts slap defendants with staggering restitution liabilities that affect them long after the sentence is served. Often it’s well deserved, such as where a Ponzi operator has fleeced elderly victims out of life savings. But we have seen cases where the “victims” vehemently denied they were due restitution, but it was ordered anyway.

To defendants, a big restitution judgment may seem like a sentence. It sure did to Zack Dyab. Zack pled guilty in 2010 to a couple of white-collar offenses, wire fraud and money laundering, for which he was sentenced to 10 years and ordered to pay $6.4 million in restitution. Like most people in his position, after his conviction, Zack filed a habeas corpus motion pursuant to 28 USC 2255. And like most people, his 2255 motion failed.

Two years later, the government moved to amend Zack’s restitution to reflect that one of his co-conspirators would be jointly and severally liable for a portion of the obligation, and to update the identities and addresses of some of the people entitled to share in the restitution. Somehow no one served Zack with the government’s motion – a common enough problem for federal inmates, who cannot participate in the federal courts’ electronic filing and service system – and the court issued an amended judgment in due course.

carpe170508Zack did receive a copy of the amended judgment. Being a carpe diem kind of guy, he took the opportunity presented by the amended judgment to file another § 2255 motion, this one claiming his due process rights were violated because he received no notice that the amended judgment was being considered. The district court denied the motion, and last week, the 8th Circuit agreed.

The Circuit held that a § 2255 motion was not the right means of challenging the amended judgment, because § 2255 motions can only be used for claims involving release from custody. Because “a dispute about restitution does not involve a claim of a right to be released from custody,” the Court said, “a prisoner cannot challenge the restitution portion of his sentence under § 2255.”

moneylaundering170508Zack also argued he ought to be allowed to challenge his money-laundering conviction all over again, because that conviction is what led to the restitution order, and there was a fresh judgment on file that he should be able to attack. Noting that “not every change to a judgment results in a new sentence or judgment that wipes clean the slate of post-conviction motions previously filed,” the 8th Circuit disagreed:

We think the district court’s order amending Dyab’s judgment did not result in a new sentence or judgment. There was no substantive proceeding that adjudicated Dyab’s guilt or determined the appropriate punishment. The court did not alter the amount of Dyab’s restitution obligation or otherwise change Dyab’s sanction. The court updated the addresses of certain restitution payees… and reflected that one of Dyab’s co-conspirators… was jointly and severally liable for some of the losses. These actions are not sufficient to create a new sentence or judgment that would permit Dyab to file a successive § 2255 motion.

Dyab v. United States, Case No. 16-1296 (8th Cir., May 4, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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The Year Without a Summer – Update for May 3, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SENTENCING COMMISSION TO SKIP 2017 AMENDMENTS

nosummer170503Just a shade more than 200 years ago, a combination of solar, geologic and atmospheric factors resulted in the summer months of 1816 bringing snow to New England in June, lake ice to Pennsylvania in July and August, and frozen corn in September fields. Historians call it “The Year Without a Summer.”

We’re experiencing a regulatory version of that phenomenon this year. Last December, some hopes ran high for the United States Sentencing Commission’s 2017 agenda, with some ambitious proposals in the pipeline for the 2017 amendment cycle. We were not quite so sanguine, but even we foresaw some changes on several sentencing fronts.

And then, the bottom fell out.

noGL170503The terms of Chief Judge Patti B. Saris, Judge Charles R. Breyer and Dabney L. Friedrich, all expired. Because the Commission has to have at least four voting for a quorum, the commissioners who were left – Circuit Judge William H. Pryor, Jr. and Commissioner Rachel E. Barkow – could not conduct any business.

The nominations of Judges Breyer and Reeves were stalled last Congress. In January, outgoing President Obama renominated them. The Senate finally approved two new members on March 21st.

But according to Judge Pryor, that was too little, too late:

By statute, the Commission is required to submit any amendments to the guidelines to Congress by May 1st for a 180-day congressional review period. Because we did not have a voting quorum for almost three months, there simply is not enough time for us to schedule a public hearing on the proposed amendments, digest the public comment, deliberate, and hold a public vote by the statutory deadline. Therefore, this year we will not promulgate any amendments to the guidelines.

In its 29-year history, the Commission has missed issuing amendments in only twice, in 1996 and 1999.

As for the draft amendments considered last December, Judge Pryor optimistically says that the Commission’s “data analysis, legal research, and public comment on these proposed amendments should provide us a sound basis for considering guideline amendments as early as possible during the next amendment cycle.”

– Thomas L. Root

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You Pay Your Money and You Take Your Chance – Update for May 2, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BUYER’S REMORSE

With 97% of federal defendants entering guilty pleas, you’d think that law students aspiring to federal criminal defense work (that is, if any law student actually selects that as a career option) would take classes in plea negotiation even before studying evidence, criminal procedure or appellate advocacy.

pasdedeux170502To be sure, plea agreement negotiation is an art form, sort of akin to detailed choreography that has great implications for defendants, implications often never fully appreciated until much later. The change-of-plea hearing itself is a pas-de-deux for defendant and judge, with almost every question being scripted by Rule 11(b) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure – and almost every answer being a trap for the unwary.

It’s little wonder the Supreme Court has held that the 6th Amendment’s right to effective legal counsel extends to negotiating and signing the plea agreement.

Gilbert Spiller was a man without a lot of choices. He was busted in Chicago for selling 121 grams of crack to a police informant, and then compounding his miscalculation by later selling the same guy a loaded .40 caliber pistol so the buyer – a convicted felon – could use it to protect his own drug trafficking operation. Gil was sort of a poster boy for what’s wrong with the Windy City.

Gil, a man with three prior drug felonies, was pretty much in a corner. The federal drug trafficking statute – 21 USC 841 – is a spaghetti bowl of “if-thens.” If the amount of drugs sold exceed x, then the minimum sentence becomes y. If the defendant has x number of prior drug felonies, then the minimum sentence is y, but if the number of prior felonies is x+1, then the minimum sentence is 2y. If death or serious injury resulted from the drug sales, then the minimum sentence is z. In Gil’s case, the amount of drugs he sold would have given him a mandatory minimum sentence of five years, but his prior felonies bumped it to double that.

pleading170502When the government intends to enhance a 21 USC 841 sentence, it has to provide a notice complying with 21 USC 851. In defendant parlance, someone receiving such an enhanced sentence has been “851’d.” Gil got 851’d right away, even before the government’s plea offer arrived on his lawyer’s email.

The government proposed that Gil would plead to a drug distribution count, and admit that the conduct underlying the remaining counts was relevant for sentencing purposes. He also had to stipulate to the government’s Guidelines calculation, including a Guidelines “career offender” enhancement that would send the sentencing range into the stratosphere.

Gil’s defense attorney was puzzled by the offer. Gil would be giving up his right to appeal or argue Guidelines enhancements at sentencing, and for what? We see this in many plea agreements: the defendant give up rights in exchange for vapor, getting nothing that he could not have gotten simply by pleading guilty without the agreement (called a “blind plea”). After all, a defendant does not have to have an agreement in order to plead guilty, and sometimes, no plea agreement might be a wise idea.

Gil clearly wondered what was in the deal for him, as did his attorney. She wrote back:

Mr. Spiller has asked a great question and one that I cannot seem to answer for him: what exactly does he gain if he proceeds by plea agreement, as opposed to a blind plea. Is the government withdrawing the 851? Can you tell me one concession the government makes in the draft plea you sent over? I want to make sure I am not missing something.

In an uncharacteristic flash of candor, the Assistant U.S. Attorney responded:

The government is not withdrawing the 851 notice. You ask a good question, and I admit that the plea agreement does not offer a whole lot beyond a blind plea. There are a few minor benefits: we would dismiss two counts so he would save himself $200 in special assessments. He also gets the recognition in the plea agreement that, as things currently stand, he is entitled to acceptance of responsibility.

forme170502Gil rejected the government’s proposed plea agreement and instead entered a blind plea, pleading guilty to all three counts and reserving his right to argue his sentence and appeal. His sentencing range was 262-327 months. At sentencing, his lawyer pointed to his troubled upbringing, asking for 120 months. The court sentenced Gil to 240 months.

Once ensconced in prison, Gil became afflicted with buyer’s remorse. He filed a 28 USC 2255 motion, arguing his lawyer had been constitutionally ineffective by counseling him to execute a blind plea rather than taking the government’s proposed plea agreement. The district court denied the motion.

Last week, the 7th Circuit upheld the denial. To win, Gil had to show his lawyer’s performance fell below an objective standard of reasonableness, and that there was a reasonable chance that, but for those errors, his sentence would have been different.

The Circuit said that a reasonably competent lawyer would have tried to learn all of the relevant facts of the case, make an estimate of a likely sentence, and communicate the results of that analysis to the client before allowing him to plead guilty. That, the Court said, was just what Gil’s lawyer did. She discussed the proposed plea agreement with him and conveyed Gil’s questions (and hers) to the government. She concluded that Gil would be better off rejecting the offer and pleading blindly.

remorse170502In fact, she went one better that most attorneys. She drafted an 11-page plea declaration illustrating the understanding of the relevant facts and law underlying the case that she and Gil had reached, which she had Gil sign. In the document, which was filed with the district court, Gil acknowledged he had read the indictment and the document he was signing, and had gone over the whole thing with his attorney. (This, in our experience, is an unusual but prudent practice: it both ensures the defendant knows what is happening and protects the lawyer from “buyer’s remorse” proceedings such as Gil’s 2255 motion).

Gil admitted in his 2255 motion that his attorney believed it was worth it to reserve his right to challenge the government’s Guidelines calculation — a right he would have sacrificed by signing the plea agreement — and believed she could get him a “better sentence.” The Court said her decision “sounds in strategy rather than in emotion, and a strategic decision, even if clearly wrong in retrospect, cannot sup-port a claim that counsel’s conduct was deficient.”

endof170502The Circuit observed that a “fair assessment of attorney performance requires that every effort be made to eliminate the distorting effects of hindsight, to re-construct the circumstances of counsel’s challenged conduct, and to evaluate the conduct from counsel’s perspective at the time.” This is especially true in the plea-bargaining context, the Court said, citing “the many uncertain-ties surrounding the difficult decision of whether to plead guilty.”

The 7th concluded that the district court had “a sufficient basis in the record to characterize counsel’s decision as strategic: Her email, Spiller’s affidavit, the government’s proposed plea agreement, and Spiller’s Plea Declaration, taken together, obviated the need for an evidentiary hearing.”

Spiller v. United States, Case No. 15-2889 (7th Cir., Apr. 28, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Cleaning Up Our Messy Desk – Update for Monday, May 1, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. Today, we feature a number of short reports we included in our newsletter this week, but have not posted on the Web.

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DOES IT SEEM LIKE THERE’RE FEWER PEOPLE ARE AROUND THE JOINT?

Fewer federal prosecutions and lighter drug sentences over the past few years has resulted in a 14% drop in the BOP prison population, according to statistics from the U.S. Courts, the Sentencing Commission and the Federal Bureau of Prisons released last week.

abandonprison170501BOP population fell from a peak of 219,300 inmates in 2013 to 188,800 in April 2017. The decrease reflects a dramatic shift in federal policies away from stiff penalties for drug trafficking offenses in recent years. As a result, BOP facilities overcrowding has fallen from 37% to 13%.

Because drug crimes account for nearly a third of all federal prosecutions, changes in drug sentences over the past decade have had a substantial impact on BOP numbers.

Administrative Office of U.S. Courts, Policy Shifts Reduce Federal Prison Population (Apr. 25, 2017)

LISAStatHeader2smallDOJ APPOINTS SCIENTIFIC FOX TO GUARD HENHOUSE

Attorney General Jeffrey Sessions pulled the plug on the National Commission on Forensic Science, a group formed to improve forensic science and expert testimony in criminal cases, early last month.

science170501For years, scientists and defense attorneys have fought an uphill battle to bring scientific rigor to expert testimony and analyses regularly used in courtrooms — such evidence as bite marks, hair, and bullet striations — to convict defendants. The generally accepted “bite mark” science was recently found to be phony, and other methods, including fingerprint analysis, have been criticized as being less rigorous and more subjective than AUSAs, expert witnesses, and popular culture let on.

A 2015 FBI review of 268 trial transcripts in which microscopic hair analysis was used to incriminate a defendant found bureau experts submitted scientifically invalid testimony 95% of the time. No court has banned bite mark evidence despite a consensus among scientists that the discipline is not objective.

Until Sessions disbanded it, the NCFS was the most important group pushing forensics in the direction of science.

A new Justice Department Task Force on Crime Reduction and Public Safety, set up by presidential order three months ago to “support law enforcement” and “restore public safety,” will now oversee forensic science.

Mother Jones, Jeff Sessions wants courts to rely less on science and more on “science” (Apr. 24, 2017)

LISAStatHeader2smallMATHIS DOESN’T CARE IF YOU LIVE IN YOUR CAR

The 8th Circuit last week ruled that the Arkansas residential burglary statute (Ark. Code Ann. Sec. 5-39-201(a)(1)) does not count as generic burglary, and therefore is not a predicate offense for sentencing under the Armed Career Criminal Act. Arkansas law defines a “residential occupiable structure” to include a vehicle, building, or other structure in which any person lives or is customarily used for overnight accommodations.

carhome170501The Circuit said that under United States v. Mathis, “vehicle, building or other structure” described means and not elements. The Circuits are split 2-2 so far on the question of whether a vehicle used as living space falls under generic burglary, but the 8th Circuit said “without question, the statute, viewed as a whole, encompasses a broader range of conduct than generic burglary…” Thus, the burglary does not count for ACCA purposes.

United States v. Sims, Case No. 16-1233 (8th Cir. Apr. 27, 2017)

LISAStatHeader2small3RD CIRCUIT AGREES IT HAS JURISDICTION TO REVIEW 3582 DENIALS

The 6th Circuit, which held in 2010 that it has no jurisdiction to review a district judge’s refusal to lower the sentence of a prisoner who is eligible for a reduction under 18 USC 3582(c)(2), just got a little lonelier last week, as the 3rd Circuit followed the lead four other circuits in holding it has jurisdiction to review whether a district court’s refusal to reduce an eligible sentence under the statute is substantively reasonable.

juris170501Jose Rodriguez qualified for a 2-level reduction of sentence, but his district judge held Jose’s threat to public safety and post-sentencing conduct – due to the “vast drug trafficking conspiracy and a series of violent, armed robberies” in which he had engaged – were reasons to deny any reduction. The government argued the 3rd Circuit had no jurisdiction to review the district court’s decision, but the Circuit held that under 28 USC 1291 and 18 USC 3742, it always had jurisdiction to review the substantive reasonableness of a 3582(c)(2) sentence reduction decision.

Back in 2010, the 6th Circuit held that as long as a district court found the prisoner eligible for a sentence reduction, a court of appeals had no jurisdiction to review the district judge’s decision as to whether the prisoner should get the whole, a part, or none of the reduction. Since the 6th Circuit decision, the 7th, 8th, 9th and 10th Circuits have gone the other way, and last week the 3rd Circuit joined.

The decision did not help Jose much. Reviewing the sentence, the Circuit held the district judge’s refusal to give him even as much as a month off on his sentence was substantively reasonable.

United States v. Rodriguez, Case No. 16-3232 (Apr. 28, 2017)

LISAStatHeader2small4th CIRCUIT CLEARS WAY FOR INMATE’S RETALIATION LAWSUIT

A major hurdle inmates have to clear in bringing lawsuits for constitutional rights violations is to show that the prison officials they sue do not have qualified immunity. Unless the inmate can show that the officials violated a clearly established constitutional right, the Bivens action or 42 USC 1983 action gets tossed out.

A lot of what you might think is clearly established is not. That’s why the 4th Circuit’s decision last week was a breath of fresh air.

Pat Booker, an inmate in a South Carolina prison, filed a grievance objected to the prison’s tampering with his legal mail, and said he intended to pursue civil and criminal remedies if he found his mail meddled with again. The head of the mailroom wrote a disciplinary report on Booker saying he had threatened her. At Booker’s disciplinary hearing, he was found not guilty because he had made “legal threats” against the employee, not physical threats.

Pat sued under 42 USC 1983, arguing the employee had retaliated against him for his exercising his 1st Amendment rights. The district court dismissed, holding the prison employee was protected by qualified immunity, because a “prison inmate’s free speech right to submit internal grievances” was not clearly established by the U.S. Supreme Court of the United States, the 4th Circuit or the South Carolina Supreme Court.

The Circuit reversed, saying it had long held that prison officials may not retaliate against prisoners for exercising their right to access the courts, and “given the close relationship between an inmate filing a grievance and filing a lawsuit — indeed, the former is generally a prerequisite for the latter — our jurisprudence provided a strong signal that officials may not retaliate against inmates for filing grievances.” Seven other circuits have a recognized in published decisions that inmates possess a right, grounded in the First Amendment’s Petition Clause, to be free from retaliation in response to filing a prison grievance.

“Given the decisions from nearly every court of appeals,” the 4th said, “we are compelled to conclude that Booker’s right to file a prison grievance free from retaliation was clearly established under the First Amendment. Consistent with fundamental constitutional principles and common sense, these courts have had little difficulty concluding that prison officials violate the First Amendment by retaliating against inmates for filing grievances.”

Booker v. South Carolina Department Of Corrections, Case No. 15-7679 (4th Cir. Apr. 28, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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