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Not Your Father’s Sentencing Reform: 2017 Bill is Different – Update for October 5, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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NEW SENTENCING REFORM BILL TWEAKED 

The text of S. 1917, the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2017, has been released. SRCA17 is not just a rehash of the 2015 bill of the same name, but instead has some different and noteworthy provisions:

hippie171005Serious drug felony: The federal catch-all drug crime statute – 21 USC 841 – raises the minimum sentence for people convicted of a prior “felony drug offense, “ which is a federal or state drug crime punishable by more than a year in prison. It does not matter if the defendant got probation for the prior offense, or if the prior offense happened 50 years ago.

The result of this draconian provision is pretty clear. If someone who got probation 50 years ago for two pot-dealing felonies (remember Woodstock?), and was caught now with 50 grams of methamphetamine (imagine one-ninth of a pound, the weight of 36 paperclips), under 21 USC 841, he or she would get a mandatory life sentence. Naturally, results like this lead many defendants to take quick pleas and cooperate with the government, because whether to demand the enhanced penalty is solely up to the prosecutor.

slap171005SRCA17 would replace “felony drug offense” in 21 USC 841 with “serious drug felony.” A “serious drug felony” is defined as a felony conviction for which the defendant served more than a year in prison, and which happened within the past 15 years. Low-level indiscretions, as measured by the actual instead of the potential sentence and by the age of the conviction, will limit the draconian sentence enhancements under Sec. 841.

Safety Valve: Currently, 18 USC 3553(f) contains what’s known as a “safety valve,” which relieves a drug defendant of an otherwise mandatory-minimum sentence if he or she meets certain criteria, including that there not be more than one prior criminal history point. Of course, a single drunk driving conviction can get you a point, and driving under a license suspension – which follows a DUI in most states like night follows day – will get you a second one.

SRCA17 raises the criminal history point threshold to 4 points, provided there’s no 3-point felony in the mix. At the same time, the “safety valve” would be modified to give a judge discretion to apply it even if the defendant’s points exceed four, if there’s reliable information indicates that the points “substantially over-represent the seriousness of the defendant’s criminal history or the likelihood that the defendant will commit other crimes.”

draconian170725Drug 10-year Mandatory Minimum: Section 841 specifies that some quantities of drug involved in an offense will require imposition of a 5-year mandatory minimum, and other higher quantities will raise the mandatory minimum to 10 years. For example, in a crack cocaine offense, 28 grams or more requires a minimum 5-year sentence; 280 grams or more will get you at least 10.

SRCA17 would give the judge the discretion in a 10-year case to drop the mandatory minimum to 5 years if the defendant has no drug or violent priors, did not use violence in the crime of conviction, was not a leader or organizer of the offense, and admitted the crime to the government.

Gun crime: Under 18 USC 924(c), a defendant who possesses, uses or carries a gun during a violent or drug trafficking crime must get a mandatory consecutive sentence of at least 5 years. The statute requires that if the defendant does it twice, the second (and all consecutive) offenses require a mandatory sentence of 25 years.

The government, being the government, long ago convinced the courts that the second offense does not require that the defendant have already been convicted of the first one (although that is what Congress meant to say). So if Donny Drugdealer sells me some weed on Monday while carrying a gun in his pocket, and then sells you some weed on Tuesday carrying the same gun, he has committed two drug trafficking offenses (worth, say, 30 months) and two separate 924(c) convictions. His sentence would be 30 months for the drugs plus 60 months for Monday’s gun plus 300 months for Tuesday’s gun. That’s 32 years plus in prison.

Just like SRCA15 would have done, SRCA17 changes 924(c) to require that a defendant be convicted of the first 924(c) offense before the 25 years for a subsequent offense be assessed.

Fair Sentencing Act: Before 2010, Congress believed crack cocaine was so dangerous that it considered one gram of crack to be equal to 100 grams of powder cocaine. In the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, Congress modified its stance, reducing the disparity to 18:1 from 100:1. The effect was to dramatically cut the mandatory minimum sentences being heaped on (mostly black) crack defendants for drug quantities that paled next to the piles of powder that were earning mostly white defendants much shorter sojourns with the Bureau of Prisons.

But to satisfy reluctant supporters like Sen. Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III – now Attorney General to a President who has denounced him as a moron – the FSA was not made retroactive for people already convicted and sentenced. SRCA17 tries to rectify this.

Retroactivity: SRCA15 originally proposed retroactivity for stacked 924(c) offenses, changed drug mandatory minimums and the FSA people. As the bill progressed through committee and the elections loomed, retroactivity cotton171005was stripped from the bill a piece at a time to mollify law-and-order people like Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas) and then presidential-hopeful Ted Cruz. Even that was not enough to save the measure.

SRCA17 proposes a middle-of-the-road retroactivity provision that loosely tracks the reduction-of-sentence procedure under 18 USC 3582(c)(2). Retroactivity would apply to people with sentences enhanced by prior offenses, 924(c) stacked sentences and the FSA, but it would not be automatic.

Instead, the defendant would have to apply for it to the sentencing court, which then would have discretion to grant it. Some people would be outright excluded – for example, defendants who had brandished or fired the gun would be entitled to no 924(c) relief, and defendants convicted of a crime of violence would be denied any retroactive relief for a sentence enhanced by a prior crime. FSA people will not be disqualified because of priors, but in all cases, the trial judge is left with discretion whether to grant a reduction or not.

wave171005SRCA17 contains a few enhanced penalties for violent crimes and spouse-beating. Those proposals and the retroactivity provision seem to be an attempt to throw some red meat to the law-and-order lobby. Putting the district judge in the position to decide retroactivity on an individualized basis splits the baby down the middle, granting prisoners a chance to equalize their sentences with those being handed out to new defendants after the bill passes while not releasing prisoners wholesale (and giving the Jefferson Beauregard Sessionses of the world something to gripe about).

Tomorrow: Provisions in SRCA17 for good time credit and reentry assistance. No sex offenders need apply.

S.1917, Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2017 (introduced Oct. 3, 2017)

Text of bill

– Thomas L. Root

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What’s New Is Old in Criminal Justice Reform – Update for October 4, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF

Two bills looking to reshape the nation’s criminal justice system were introduced this week, and all of sudden, criminal justice advocates are partying like it’s 2015.

party171004Leading the pack, a pack of influential senators led by Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Dick Durbin (D-Illinois) announced the introduction of S. 1917, the Sentence Reform and Corrections Act of 2017.  SRCA17 – a retread of the Sentence Reform and Corrections Act of 2015 – is aimed at easing sentences for some federal offenders, such as for drug crimes, while beefing up other tough-on-crime laws. The measure would get rid of the federal three-strike law mandatory life sentence for some repeat drug offenders, three-strike but would also allow some people with previous convictions for serious violent and serious drug felonies to face enhanced penalties.

“This bill strikes the right balance of improving public safety and ensuring fairness in the criminal justice system,” said Grassley, who is chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee. “It is the product of much thoughtful deliberation, and we will continue to welcome input from stakeholders as we move forward.”

obtaining-clemencySRCA17 reportedly reduces the enhanced penalties that apply to repeat drug offenders and eliminates the three-strike mandatory life provisions for some offenders; expands the existing safety valve to offenders with more extensive criminal histories, and creates a second safety valve that gives judges discretion to sentence certain low-level offenders below the 10-year mandatory minimum; expands the reach of the enhanced mandatory minimum for violent firearm offenders to those with prior federal or state firearm offenses but reduces that mandatory minimum to provide courts with greater flexibility in sentencing; requires the Dept of Justice to conduct risk assessments to classify all federal inmates and to use the results to assign inmates to appropriate recidivism reduction programs, including work and education programs, drug rehabilitation, job training, and faith-based programs, permitting prisoners who successfully complete these programs to get early release and to spend up to 25% of their remaining sentence in home confinement or a halfway house; and provides for a report and inventory of all federal criminal offenses.

Sen. Grassley has not revealed his scheduling plan for marking up SRCA17. Its 2015 predecessor passed the Judiciary Committee 15-5 during the last Congress, but never reached a floor vote due to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky), who did not want the measure voted on during the contentious 2016 presidential campaign.

A bipartisan coalition of legislators supports SRCA17, including Senator Mike Lee (R-Utah), Lindsey Graham and Tim Scott (both R-South Carolina), Jeff Flake (R-Arizona), Roy Blunt (R-Missouri), Dianne Feinstein (D-California), Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island), Patrick Leahy (D-Vermont) and Cory Booker (D-New Jersey).

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The Attorney General, whom President Trump says is “an idiot,” will likely oppose SRCA17.

SRCA17 will enjoy support from White House senior advisor Jared Kushner, who is interested in reforming the federal criminal justice system and previously has met with senators about the issue. The bill will undoubtedly be opposed by Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, a man recently described by President Trump as an idiot, who helped kill SRCA15 when he was a senator.

Meanwhile, five Republican senators Ted Cruz (Texas), Orrin Hatch and Mike Lee (both of Utah), Rand Paul (Kentucky), David Perdue (Georgia) introduced S. 1902, the Mens Rea Reform Act, on Monday. The MRRA would prevent the government from convicting someone of a federal crime without proving they committed the crime “knowingly and willfully.”

This is the second time Republicans in Congress have introduced “mens rea” reform, presenting a similar bill in 2015 that never made it out of committee.

Daily Caller, October 3, 2017: Senate Republicans team with Democrats in another push for soft sentencing

Politico, October 4, 2017: Senators unveil bipartisan criminal justice reform package

The Daily Signal, October 3, 2017: Criminal justice reform is alive and well in Congress

– Thomas L. Root

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Fall Housecleaning – Update for October 3, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

We’re cleaning up today, posting some case notes we included in the newsletter that went out yesterday.

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8TH CIRCUIT SAYS ILLINOIS BURGLARY DOES NOT COUNT FOR ACCA

Eddie Byas was convicted of being a felon in possession of a firearm in violation of 18 USC 922(g). At sentencing, the district court applied the ACCA’s 15-year mandatory minimum sentence on the basis of three prior convictions, one of which was an Illinois residential burglary.

gunb160201Last week, the 8th Circuit reversed the ACCA sentence, holding that Illinois’s burglar statute was too broad to be used for ACCA purposes. The statute defines a burglary as knowingly entering with authority a building, housetrailer, watercraft, aircraft, motor vehicle, railroad car, or any part thereof” to commit a felony or theft. The defendant and government argued about and Court ruled that it did not have to decide whether the places listed were elements or means. The Circuit said that did not matter, because even if it could use the modified categorical approach, elsewhere in the Illinois Code, “building” has been applied by Illinois courts to a detached semitrailer, a tent, a chicken coop, and a telephone booth.

“Even if Illinois’s burglary statute were divisible,” the 8th said, “its only enumerated location that could fit within generic burglary — a building — is defined to include a broader class of locations” than contemplated by federal law. “‘Building’ is not itself divisible into separate crimes for entry into different types of buildings,” the opinion holds. “Accordingly, a burglary conviction under section 5/19-1(a) may not operate as an ACCA predicate offense.”

United States v. Byas, Case No. 16-3616 (8th Cir., Sept. 28, 2017)

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COURT OF APPEALS WILL NOT IGNORE WAIVER EVEN IF DISTRICT COURT DOES

Jim Remington filed a 28 USC 2255 motion challenging his consecutive sentences for two robbery convictions under Johnson v. United States. In his plea agreement, however, signed almost 20 years ago, Jim waived his right to file both a direct appeal and a 2255 motion.

Without asking the government to answer Jim’s 2255, the district court denied it on the merits, but granted him a certificate of appealability. On appeal, the government argued that the waiver precluded the 2255 altogether.

Waivers160215Last week, the 1st Circuit agreed, ruling ruled that “the waiver in the plea agreement, coupled with Remington’s failure to argue in his briefs that it is self-evidently inapplicable, bars Remington from filing the motion.” This is so, the Court ruled, despite the fact that the waiver was not raised as a defense by the government before the district court.

Jim’s mistake, the Circuit said, was that he never even mentioned the waiver until the government brought it up. “A defendant who waives his right to appeal and thereafter attempts to avoid the effect of the waiver must confront the waiver head-on,” the 1st said. “Where the defendant simply ignores the waiver and seeks to argue the appeal as if no waiver ever had been executed, he forfeits any right to contend either that the waiver should not be enforced or that it does not apply.”

Remington v. United States, Case No. 16-2462 (1st Cir., Sept. 27, 2017)

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 MAYBE INNOCENCE DOES MATTER

Everyone knows that 28 USC 2255(f) contains some pretty strict 1-year deadlines for filing. But in 2013, the Supreme Court held in McQuiggin v. Perkins that a prisoner making a credible showing of actual innocence can overcome the 1-year statute of limitations in 28 USC 2255. In doing so, the Supreme Court recognized that an untimely petition should not prevent a petitioner who can adequately demonstrate his actual innocence from pursuing his claims.

Despite repeatedly claiming innocence, Paul Satterfield was convicted of state 1st degree murder in 1985. After many years of direct and collateral litigation, won in federal district court on ineffective assistance of counsel. But the 3rd Circuit reversed, holding petition was barred by 1-year statute of limitations.

After the Supreme Court McQuiggin decision, Paul tried again. He moved to set aside the judgment that his habeas corpus was untimely with a Fed.R.Civ.P. 60(b)(6) motion, arguing McQuiggin’s change in relevant decisional law was an extraordinary circumstance justifying relief. The district court denied the motion, holding that McQuiggin was not an extraordinary circumstance.

Some of the people who say this really are...
Some of the people who say this really are…

Last week, the 3rd Circuit vacated the district court’s order. Noting that it had previously held that changes in decisional law may in some cases justify Rule 60(b)(6) relief, the Circuit said “McQuiggin implicates the foundational principle of avoiding the conviction of an innocent man and attempts to prevent such a mistake through the fundamental miscarriage of justice exception.” If Paul can show he would have made a credible showing of actual innocence to avail himself of the fundamental miscarriage of justice exception had McQuiggin been decided when his petition was dismissed, the appellate court said, “equitable analysis would weigh heavily in favor of deeming McQuiggin’s change in law… an exceptional circumstance justifying Rule 60(b)(6) relief.” While the district court must weigh “all of the equitable factors as guided by precedent, we clarify that the nature of the change in law cannot be divorced from that analysis.”

Satterfield v. District Attorney, Philadelphia, Case No. 15-2190 (3rd Cir., Sept. 26, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root
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Welcome Back, Supreme Court… Seems Like Last Year – Update for October 2, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF AT SCOTUS – AGAIN

In our October 3, 2016, newsletter – an entire year ago minus a dat – we wrote about Lynch v. Dimaya, a case on which the Supreme Court had just granted review. Dimaya was nominally about immigration law, but was expected to address whether Johnson v. United States’ constitutional ban on the “residual clause” might apply to other statutes and guidelines using the same language to define a crime of violence, especially 18 USC 16(b).

berra171002Now, a year later, it’s déjà vu all over again. The Supreme Court will open its October Term 2017 (which lasts until the end of next June) with oral argument on the case, now named Sessions v. Dimaya (because Loretta Lynch is gone as Attorney General, replaced by Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, the only Attorney General in modern history who has been acknowledged to be an idiot by his boss, the President).

The issue in Dimaya is whether, and if so how, the Constitution applies to judicial review of the Immigration and Nationality Act. A noncitizen who is convicted of an “aggravated felony” is subject to mandatory removal. The INA defines “aggravated felonies” to include 18 USC 16(b) crimes of violence, which includes (you guessed it) a “residual clause.”

In 2015, while Dimaya’s appeal was pending, the court held in Johnson v. United States that the Armed Career Criminal Act’s residual clause was so vague as to violate due process. Relying on Johnson, the 9th Circuit found that Sec. 16(b) was unconstitutionally vague and vacated Dimaya’s removal order.

The government contends the Circuit erred in applying the due process clause’s prohibition of vagueness in criminal statutes to a civil immigration law. Dimaya counters that Johnson compels a finding that Sec.16(b) is unconstitutionally vague.

vaguenes160516Divisions among the justices emerged in the initial argument of the case. However, no justice seemed interested in holding that removal provisions are subject to due process vagueness standards, and they appeared divided on whether Dimaya is distinguishable from Johnson and thus whether the statute is void for vagueness. Short-handed after Justice Antonin Scalia’s death, the court ordered reargument.

In other Supreme Court news, the Court agreed in last week’s “long conference” to hear five new criminal cases. It has not yet released what is expected to be a very long list of denied petitions for cert resulting from the meeting. The new cases are:

City of Hays, Kansas v. Vogt, where the justices will consider whether the 5th Amendment is violated when a defendant’s non-Mirandized statements are used at a probable cause hearing but not at a criminal trial;

Collins v. Virginia, where the justices will clarify whether the “automobile exception” to the warrant requirement applies to a car parked on private property close to a home;

Byrd v. United States, where the justices will consider expectations of privacy in a rental car for someone who is not an authorized driver;

Rosales-Mireles v. United States, where the justices will consider whether the 5th Amendment has set an impermissibly high standard for the court of appeals to correct a plain error; and

McCoy v. Louisiana, where the justices will decide whether it is unconstitutional for defense counsel to concede a defendant’s guilt over the defendant’s objection.

Sessions v. Dimaya, Case No. 15-1498 (Supreme Court, to be reargued Oct. 2, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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Clueless Defense Counsel Gets Defendant a Hearing – Update for September 29, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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HE WAS BLINDED BY SCIENCE

yacht170928We would give writing this blog and soak up tropical rays aboard our 300-foot long yacht if we had a nickel for every time a defendant has told us that his attorney didn’t listen to what had really happened. Occasionally, an opinion comes along to remind us that this is often the case.

Jim Griffith was a science guy. Unfortunately for him, he used his chemistry knowhow to manufacture methamphetamine from pseudoephedrine. There are a lot of things you probably do not need to know about meth homebrew, but one thing you ought to know: the amount of meth you end up with will never weigh more than the pseudoephedrine you start with. In fact, even high-yield processes yield a lot less, something like 3 units of meth for every 4 units of “suzy.”

science170928Jim’s lawyer was no science guy. That was too bad. As every student of the drug war knows, Section 2D1.1 of the Sentencing Guidelines is driven by drug weight. The more a defendant’s drugs weighed, the higher the sentence.

At Jim’s trial, a forensic chemist explained that all of the liquids the cops seized when Jim’s lab was raided either contained meth or pseudoephedrine. All of the various liquids containing meth was 150.2 grams, and the combined weight of liquids containing the pseudoephedrine was 124.9 grams. The jury found Jim responsible for 150.2 grams of meth.

During the trial, Jim repeatedly explained to his lawyer that no one was looking at the meth issue correctly. He said most of the liquids counted against him were mostly “toxic waste materials” that were “unusable.” He complained he started with only 2.4 grams of pseudoephedrine and said that “it is impossible to turn 2.4 grams of pseudoephedrine into more than 2.4 grams of methamphetamine.” He told counsel “on numerous occasions that the liquids seized by the police were unusable in their current form and were mostly nothing more than the waste materials from the one multi-step process that I was conducting to make a small amount of methamphetamine for my own personal use.”

His lawyer didn’t get it. He thoughstupidoil170928t that “unusable” liquids were just meth mixtures too weak to get users high. Something like ditch weed is to pot. He told Jim it didn’t matter, because all of the weight of the liquid mixtures had to be included in the sentence calculation.

Jim got 20 years.

He then filed a post-conviction motion under 28 USC 2255, complaining that his attorney was ineffective for failing to conduct an adequate investigation, to hire an expert witness to testify as to the amount of usable methamphetamine that could be produced from the liquids; to object to jury instructions addressing whether he manufactured a “mixture or substance” containing methamphetamine; and to challenge the jury instructions and presentence report. Jim fully explained the three-step process he used to manufacture methamphetamine, and that starting with 2.4 grams of pseudoephedrine, it is impossible to end up with more than 2.4 grams of meth. He asserted that he repeatedly told counsel those facts “from the very beginning,” but counsel failed to argue that the liquids were not a usable “mixture or substance.”

lab170928Jim’s lawyer admitted that he did not know what Jim had meant by “usable.” As to whether the substances amounted to “mixtures,” he explained that, after he had talked “with both probation and the Government on that issue,” he concluded that the substances were “mixtures” so he was “satisfied that the calculations were correct.”

The district court concluded Jim was not entitled to a hearing on his 2255 motion. But earlier this week, the 11th Circuit agreed with Jim, and ordered that the district court give him the evidentiary hearing he sought. The Circuit pointed out that precedent clearly held that waste product, even if trace amounts of the drug were present, “which is unusable and not ready for retail or wholesale distribution” should not be counted in the weight of the drugs attributed to a defendant. The Circuit said that “if a petitioner alleges facts that, if true, would entitle him to relief, then the district court should order an evidentiary hearing and rule on the merits of his claim… A petitioner need only allege — not prove — reasonably specific, non-conclusory facts that, if true, would entitle him to relief. If the allegations are not affirmatively contradicted by the record and the claims are not patently frivolous, the district court is required to hold an evidentiary hearing.”

atty170928The Circuit observed that If Jim “proves the factual allegations he has made, he will have shown that counsel’s failure to render reasonably effective assistance not only resulted in an erroneously higher guidelines range but it also caused the sentencing court to apply an inapplicable statutory mandatory minimum for Count 1. There is nothing in the record to indicate that the combined force of those two errors did not affect his sentence. To the contrary, the fact that the district court sentenced Griffith to the bottom of the guidelines range on the grouped counts, even though the government argued for a sentence above the guidelines range, is evidence of a reasonable probability of a different result.”

United States v. Griffith, Case No. 15-11877 (11th Cir., Sept. 26, 2017)

Thomas L. Root

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District Judge Cannot Delegate Pornography Access Decisions to Probation Officer – Update for Thursday, September 28, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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LEAVE ADULT PORN TO THE JUDGE

Under federal law, every criminal sentence of imprisonment also includes a post-release period of “supervised release,” which is really just a fancy term for probation. The courts like to describe supervised release in soaring terms, that it is “the decompression stage between prison and full release” and “serves complementary goals of protecting the public and re-habilitating an offender…”

jiggly170928The 30-yard view always looks better. Down in the trenches, the man or woman on supervised release (usually called the “offender”) is subject during its 3-year-to-infinite term to a series of conditions which share the unfortunate trait of being as amorphous as Jello, all interpreted by a probation officer whose relationship with the court would require the judge’s recusal in any other situation.

Squishy conditions? For example, the ex-offender “shall not associate with any person convicted of a felony unless granted permission to do so by the probation officer.” One out of 15 working-age adults is an ex-felon, and “associate” pretty much means whatever the probation officer says it means. So that guy you talked to at the bar? He’s a felon, whether you know it or not, and you probably just associated with him. This is hardly hyperbolic: we have had more than one probation officer tell us that “association” and “contact” are the same thing.

Another standard condition requires the defendant to “notify third parties of risks that may be occasioned by the defendant’s criminal record or personal history or characteristics, and shall permit the probation officer to make such notifications and to confirm the defendant’s compliance with such notification requirement.” And who interprets when such notification is needed, and to what extent? You guessed it.

And have you ever wondered why former inmates have trouble getting jobs? Or into education programs? Imagine the wet blanket the P.O. can throw over any job prospect simply by fiat that the inmate bare his or her soul to the company’s HR manager.

If a defendant is deemed by a probation officer to have violated a condition of supervised release, he or she will in all likelihood end up before the district court, where hearsay can be used to return the offender to prison on no more than a preponderance of the evidence (which may reasonably be translated as “the P.O.’s ‘say-so’). That’s unsurprising: after all the defendant has already been convicted beyond a reasonable doubt of the underlying offense, so a supervised-release violation may be considered to be little more than a sentencing.

The degree of control and discretion that supervised release confers on a probation officer is breathtaking to someone who has never been subject to its strictures. The defendant’s residence is subject to search without a warrant, the defendant’s travel outside of the federal district is subject to the P.O.’s approval (and many districts aren’t that large), and the defendant is required to report to the P.O. as often as the P.O. may require. A Chief Probation Officer in one federal district told us several years ago that his office “violated” one-third of all of the people supervised by his office.

emperor170726For those reasons, we’re always gratified on those rare “emperor-has-no-clothes” moments when a court of appeals acknowledges the obvious, that a condition of supervised release impermissibly delegates the judge’s duties to a functionary.

The frontier of supervised release litigation these days is for individuals convicted of sex offenses (most often, downloading child porn). Due in large part to the junk-scientific belief that sex offender recidivism is 80% (where it actually is somewhere like 3%), courts have heaped on supervised release restrictions. And given the tragic news from Los Angeles today that 91-year old exhausted rooster and porn pioneer Hugh Hefner died in his silk smoking jacket last night, it is only fitting that we look at a case from Hugh’s hometown of Chicago that deals with access to perfectly lawful (if a bit tasteless) adult porn.

Hef170928In today’s case, a district court imposed on Rick Wagner a special condition of supervised release that permitted the “sex offender treatment provider” to restrict his access to adult pornography. Rick argued to the 7th Circuit that the condition was an improper ban on him, as there is no evidence establishing a connection between his viewing lawful adult pornography and engaging in unlawful sexual activity with minor females.

Earlier this week, the 7th agreed the condition was improper but disagreed that it was an outright ban. “Instead,” the Court said, “the condition delegates the determination of whether a ban will be imposed to a sex offender treatment provider (“treatment provider”). But, Article III judges lack constitutional authority to delegate the duty of imposing a defendant’s punishment to a non-Article III judge, such as a probation officer or treatment provider.” The Court cited an earlier holding that “terms should be established by judges ex ante, not by probation officers acting under broad delegations…”

delegation170928The Circuit said that when determining whether a supervised release condition violates the non-delegation rule, “we distinguish between permissible conditions that merely task the probation officer with performing ministerial acts or support services related to the punishment imposed and impermissible delegations that allow the officer to decide the nature or extent of the defendant’s punishment.” A condition requiring a defendant to attend treatment as approved by the probation officer is not a problem: the court has ordered the treatment, and merely has the P.O. handle “the details and supervision of the program.” But it is a different matter altogether when treatment is ordered “as deemed necessary by probation”: there, the condition is a delegation of the underlying judgment of whether the condition will be imposed at all.

Here, the 7th Circuit said, the district court did not impose a ban on Rick’s access to adult pornography itself because – based on the utter lack of evidence supporting imposition of the condition – it could not. Instead, it did an end run around the matter by delegating the decision of whether “adult pornography should be restricted or denied” to a probation officer or treatment provider. The Court ruled, “This is an impermissible delegation of the district court’s Article III authority to determine the nature” of Rick’s punishment.”

United States v. Wagner, Case No. 15-3265 (7th Cir., Sept. 25, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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District Court’s Well-Meaning Meddling With a Prior Sentence Gets Swatted Down – Update for September 26, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WHAT’S DONE IS DONE

done170926If there is an enduring myth among inmates seeking to get convictions and sentences set aside, it is the canard that questions about the court’s jurisdiction can be raised at any time. We can’t count the number of times we have tried to explain that “at any time” does not mean that a defendant can waltz into court a decade after the fact to claim that the court never should have heard the criminal case to begin with.

To be sure, a court has a continuing obligation to satisfy itself that it has subject-matter jurisdiction, but as Jorge Mercado-Flores discovered, that obligation only lasts as long as the case goes on. There always comes a time when a criminal judgment is final, and – to paraphrase the Supreme Court – finality is a virtue.

Jorge, who is 28, was charged in Puerto Rico with a rather unpleasant offense after getting a little frisky at the beach with his 14-year old girlfriend. The government did not think Jorge’s transgression merited the 10-year mandatory minimum sentence the offense as charged required, so it proposed a plea deal in which he would plead to a different statute which carried no mandatory minimum sentence.

This was the catch. The statute Jorge was charged with criminalized “the transportation of a minor within a United States ‘commonwealth, territory or possession’.” The statute he pled to under the plea deal criminalized the transportation of an individual “in interstate or foreign commerce, or in any Territory or Possession of the United States.”

viva170926As the French say, “viva la difference!” The parties did not catch the problem, but at sentencing the district court voiced its concern. Puerto Rico is not a territory or possession, but rather is a commonwealth, in fact, one of only two commonwealths in the United States. The statute Jorge was charged under mentioned territories, possessions and commonwealths. The statute he pled to omitted “commonwealths” altogether.

The district court tried to cut the baby in half. It said it would sentence Jorge, but reserve judgment on whether it had subject-matter jurisdiction to sentence him. So it did, giving him 57 months. About 24 days later, the court – acting sua sponte – ruled that it lacked subject-matter jurisdiction over the statute Jorge pled to, and dismissed the whole she-bang.

Great news for Jorge, right? Wrong. The government appealed, demanding that the district court’s decision on jurisdiction be vacated. The government said that if the appeal failed, it would reindict him under the old statute. That would expose Jorge to a minimum 120-month sentence. Jorge then filed a responsive brief with the appeals court, supporting the government’s demand that the district court’s jurisdiction decision be vacated.

Last Friday, the 1st Circuit made everyone happy, throwing out the district court dismissal and reinstating the 57-month sentence. The Circuit made it clear:

We begin with bedrock. Subject to only a handful of narrowly circumscribed exceptions, a district court has no jurisdiction to vacate, alter, or revise a sentence previously imposed… When — as in this case — a judgment of conviction is entered upon imposition of a sentence, that sentence is a final judgment and, therefore, may only be modified by the sentencing court in certain limited circumstances. Because a district court (apart from collateral proceedings such as habeas corpus or coram nobis) has no inherent power to modify a sentence after it has been imposed, those limited circumstances “stem[] solely from . . . positive law.

The appellate court reviewed the limited circumstances – a habeas corpus proceeding, a government motion to reduce sentence for substantial assistance, a motion under 18 USC 3582(c)(2) when the Sentencing Commission has retroactively lowered the guidelines. None of the limited circumstances applied here.

jailbait170926The Circuit complained that “the district court did not identify the source of its perceived authority to vacate the defendant’s sentence. After examining all the potential sources, we conclude that, in the circumstances of this case, no provision of positive law empowers a district court to vacate a sentence, sua sponte, more than three weeks after imposing it.”

You see, “final” is “final.” The judiciary has “historic respect for the finality of the judgment of a committing court,” which “would become a distant memory” if district courts could recall their sentences whenever they wanted to, or whenever a defendant wanted to argue about jurisdiction. The 1st said, “if the criminal justice system is to function appropriately, the imposition of a sentence must carry with it an ‘expectation of finality and tranquility’ for the defendant, the government, and the public.”

The error was a simple one. The district court already had imposed a sentence, more than three weeks had elapsed, and the defendant had not sought either to withdraw his guilty plea or to vacate the imposed sentence. Given those facts, the appellate court said, “the district court was not at liberty, sua sponte, to annul the sentence. Having accepted the defendant’s plea, conducted a full sentencing hearing, and imposed a sentence, the court lost any jurisdiction to change its mind.”

Even if it lacked subject-matter jurisdiction to begin with?

Yup. Even though.

United States v. Mercado-Flores, Case No. 15-1859 (1st Cir., Sept. 22, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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SCOTUS “Long Conference” Set to Butcher Cert Petitions Today – Update for September 25, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WHERE CERT PETITIONS GO TO DIE

Today the Supreme Court holds its annual end-of-summer “long conference.” The justices will consider the roughly 2,000 petitions for writ of certiorari now pending, asking the court to hear appeals that have piled up over the summer. And they will reject almost all of them.

meeting170925“The summer list is where petitions go to die,” said Gregory G. Garre, a solicitor general in the George W. Bush administration now at Latham & Watkins. Another practitioner referred to the “long conference” as a “ritualized slaughter – of cert petitions.”

The odds of persuading the Supreme Court to hear a case are always long. At the conferences held on many Fridays during the term, which starts next Monday and lasts until June, the justices consider perhaps 200 petitions at a time and grant about 1.1% of them. At the long conference, the rate is roughly half of that, around 0.6%.

For most petitioners, “the most important moment is trying to get in the door,” according to Jeffrey L. Fisher, a Stanford law professor. “Once you’re in, the statistics say you have a two-thirds chance of winning. So the difference between a grant and a denial is truly the difference… between winning and losing.”

Some practitioners who find their cert deadline falls at a time that guarantees a hearing at the “long conference” will try a strategic use of extension-of-time requests to be able to get their petitions for writ of certiorari to fall later in the year.

deniedcertB170925But perhaps leavening those long odd is the fact that last term, the Court heard argument in about 70 cases. So far this term, the Court has filled fewer than half of those spots, only agreeing thus far to hear 32 cases. That’s a total of just 28 hours of argument, after accounting for cases that have been consolidated for argument.

The case schedule thus far is skewed toward civil matters. The Court has granted certiorari to 25 civil cases, but only 7 criminal ones. A case that is especially noteworthy to federal prisons, Sessions v. Dimaya (formerly known as Lynch v. Dimaya), was held over for reargument at the end of last term (suggesting a 4-4 split on the Court before the April arrival of Justice Neil Gorsuch).

Argument in Sessions v. Dimaya is set for reargument next Monday, October 2, the first day of the new term.

Bloomberg Law, Supreme Court by the Numbers: Kicking Off the 2017 Term (Sept. 13, 2017)

New York Times, Supreme Court’s End-of-Summer Conference: Where Appeals ‘Go to Die’ (Aug. 31, 2015)

– Thomas L. Root

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Congress to Try, Try Again on Sentencing Reform – Update for September 21, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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WE’RE BACK, BABY!

wereback170921After serving as a showpiece for what great bipartisanship can accomplish, the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2015 foundered on the shoals of presidential campaign politics last year, never making it to a floor vote in the Senate due to the fears of Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) that the vote could tarnish Republicans at the polls.

The bill, originally introduced in 2015, would cut mandatory minimum sentences for certain drug offenses and armed career criminals while increasing mandatory minimums for other offenses such as domestic violence. The bill was watered down early on in the process to satisfy law-and-order senators by eliminating any retroactive provisions. In other words, changing the law so that newly convicted people would not face unintended “stacked” mandatory minimums made sense, but relieving sentences of people who were given those “stacked” sentences the day before the bill passed did not.

flipflop170920Watered down or not, the SRCA fell to demagoguery from the likes of Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), who supported the measure before he started running for president, but then opposed it on the campaign trail. An even greater foe was then-Sen. Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, who is now Attorney General.

Nevertheless, building on the Senate’s success in repealing Obamacare and passing comprehensive tax reform, some U.S. senators are now planning to take a second stab at passing a bipartisan criminal justice reform bill after it stalled amid GOP infighting. Sens. Dick Durbin (D-Illinois) and Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) said Tuesday that they will reintroduce the SRCA, but they did not specify exactly when.

“While the political landscape in Washington has changed, the same problems presented by the current sentencing regime remain,” Grassley said. Despite the fact the bill has been worked on now over three different congresses, Durbin believes it the “best chance in a generation to right the wrongs of a badly broken system.”

The bill cleared the Senate Judiciary Committee in 2015, with Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) – one of the co-sponsors – predicting it would come to a floor vote soon afterwards. As Senate law-and-order conservatives started taking whacks at it, House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wisconsin) questioned whether the House would even be willing to debate the version of SRCA the Senate was cooking up. The bill died with the end of the last congress.

Starting with the day after its death last January, Grassley and Durbin began expressing interest in reviving the criminal justice bill. Along with Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), reportedly met with President Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser Jared Kushner last March to discuss the issue. Kushner has a special interest in federal criminal justice reform.

sessions170918The push to pass the criminal justice reform bill could set up a potential fight with the Dept. of Justice, and Sessions, who was one of the leading opponents against the legislation when he was a member of the Senate. It is not known how much influence the AG still has with the President, who thinks Sessions is both “weak” and an “idiot.”

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-North Carolina), another supporter of the criminal justice reform effort, speculated last January that Sessions as attorney general would have as a chief objective enforcing what Congress sends him — even if he disagrees with it — rather than slipping into the role of legislator and try to change the laws. “He’s going to be focused on being the nation’s top law enforcement official,” Tillis said. “I don’t necessarily see him weighing in heavily on public policy choices that President Trump makes.”

The Hill, Senators to reintroduce bipartisan criminal justice bill (Sept. 19, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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U.S. District Judge Sues Court of Appeals Over Psych Order – Update for September 20, 2017

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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CALL ME CRAZY, BUT I’M SUING YOU

The cadre of 519 sitting U.S. District Judges includes a list of some first-class jurists. We have a number of favorites for criminal matters, not because they’re soft soaps, but rather because they’re thoughtful and dedicated to the difficult task of making decisions that protect crime victims and the rights of the accused.

adams170920We also have a rogues list, which we are glad to say is mercifully short. But one judge who has amply earned his seat on that panel is Judge John R. Adams of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Ohio. It would be difficult for us to identify a judge who is consistently more mercurial or petty. He’s a guy who once held a public defender in contempt for subpoenaing witnesses, added 24 months to a sentence on a remand after United States v. Booker invalidated the mandatory guidelines, and had an employment discrimination case taken from him by the 6th Circuit because of his bias against one of the parties’ lawyer and discord which “appears to be, at least in part, the result of the protracted nature of this litigation to which the district judge has contributed greatly.”

As a parenthetical, we were personally involved in a post-conviction proceeding from a conviction in Judge Adams’ court that languished for five years before a ruling, and then the ruling came only because the prisoner filed a petition for writ of mandamus with the 6th Court of Appeals seeking an order telling Judge Adams to rule on the 2255 motion.

Apparently the good judge holds others to timeliness standards to which he does not hold himself. After demanding that magistrate judges to which he assigns social security appeals complete their decisions within 30 days of all of the pleadings being filed, Judge Adams threatened him with a contempt finding when he missed the deadline. When the other judges in the Northern District of Ohio unanimously asked Judge Adams to withdraw his “show cause” order against the magistrate as “unwarranted and improper,” the Judge refused, and shot back that the Chief Judge had failed to “discipline” two magistrate judges who had protested Judge Adams’ 30-day demand, both of whom Judge Adams believed had “disrespectful[ly] and “defiant[ly]” suggested that their need to manage other cases was a valid reason not to comply with Judge Adams’s Scheduling Order.

This capped a 9-year battle Judge Adams had waged against the other judges of the court, arising from Judge Adams’ candidate for magistrate judge being passed over in 2008 in favor of someone else selected by majority vote of the judges.

adams1776170920In 2013, four other district judges filed a judicial complaint against Judge Adams’ weird and disruptive conduct, which they called “prejudicial to the effective and expeditious administration of the business of the courts.” After a 2-year investigation, the 6th Circuit Judicial Council held that Judge Adams’s issuance of the Show Cause Order constituted misconduct, his refusal to cooperate with the Special Committee’s request that he undergo a mental health examination with a psychiatrist selected by the Special Committee constituted misconduct, and Judge Adams might suffer from a mental disability, but because he had refused to undergo the requested mental health examination, no one knew for sure. The Judicial Council ordered that Judge Adams be publicly reprimanded for his actions, undergo a mental health examination by a psychiatrist selected by the Committee and submit to any treatment or counseling deemed necessary by the psychiatrist. Finally, it ordered that no new cases be assigned to Judge Adams for two years, and his current cases be transferred to other judges (subject to suspension if he underwent and passed a psychological exam).

The Judicial Conference of the United States upheld the order last August.

Last week, Judge Adams sued the 6th Circuit in U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, alleging that the order violates his 5th Amendment right to due process. Judge Adams claims the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980 is unconstitutionally vague, “because it lacks minimal enforcement guidelines identifying when an Article III judge may be subject to a disability investigation, and, accordingly, when an Article III judge may be disciplined for objecting in good faith to undergoing a compelled psychiatric examination as part of an investigation into whether he suffers from a disability rendering him unable to discharge his duties.”

judge160222Judge Adams contends he “has an obvious liberty interest in the outcome of any misconduct or disability proceeding against him. He also has an obvious liberty interest in not being subjected to an involuntary psychiatric examination and a further liberty interest in not being stigmatized as having committed misconduct and having his mental health questioned.”

He asks the court to declare unconstitutional the Judicial Council’s order and memorandum requiring him to undergo a psychiatric exam.

Adams v. Judicial Council of the Sixth Circuit, Case No. 1:17-cv-1894 (D.D.C., filed Sept. 14, 2017)

– Thomas L. Root

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