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2018 Guideline Amendments… The Rest of the Story – Update for April 17, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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2018 GUIDELINE AMENDMENTS HARD ON SYNTHETICS, EASIER ON PROBATION

As we reported last Friday, the U.S. Sentencing Commission killed the First Offender proposal by neglect, never mentioning it during the half-hour meeting last week at which the USSC adopted a slate of new amendments to the Guidelines Manual to be sent to Congress.

khat180417That’s not to say, however, that the Commissioners did nothing. They did vote to update the federal sentencing guidelines to address synthetic drugs. The amendments addressed synthetic cathinone (the active drug in African khat, used in bath salts) and synthetic cannabinoids, including K2. To address fentanyl, the USSC adopted a four-level sentencing enhancement for knowingly misrepresenting or knowingly marketing fentanyl or fentanyl analogues as another substance (a 50% increase in sentence).

release180417The Commission also adopted a new application note suggesting judges consider alternative sentencing options to prison for “nonviolent first offenders” whose applicable guideline range falls at 8-14 months or less. Eligible defendants must not have any prior convictions and must not have used violence, credible threats of violence, or possessed a firearm or other dangerous weapon in the offense. The alternatives include probation, halfway house confinement and house arrest.

The USSC also increased offense levels for certain Social Security fraud offenses to incorporate statutory changes, and adopted a non-exhaustive list of factors that courts may consider in determining whether a prior Indian tribal court conviction warrants an upward departure from the recommended sentencing range.

Nothing in the proposed amendments, which will be effective November 1, 2018, applies to people who have already been sentenced.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Amendments to the Sentencing Guidelines (Preliminary) (Apr. 12, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Prison Reform Gets a Hearing – Update for April 16, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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HOUSE PRISON REFORM BILL GOES TO HEARING THIS WEEK

redemption180411The House Judiciary Committee will mark up H.R. 3566, the Prison Reform and Redemption Act, this week, a Republican proposal that aims to reduce recidivism. Rep. Doug Collins (R-Georgia), sponsor of the PRRA, said the bill, which has 10 Democrat and seven Republican co-sponsors, would allow prisoners to serve the final days of their sentences in a halfway house or home confinement if they complete evidence-based programs that have been shown to reduce recidivism rates.

Prison programming could include everything from job and vocational skills training to education and drug treatment.

The White House announced in February it was throwing its support behind prison reform measures such as the PRRA instead of measures like the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, sponsored by Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles Grassley (R-Iowa). The White House says it sees no path forward for sentencing reform. “And so what we see now is an environment where the prison reform does have enough support to get done,” an official said. “And we think that by maybe doing this in smaller bits and pushing the prison reform now, we think this has a better chance of getting done.” 

blackprisoner171116Not everyone agrees. The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights an umbrella group of 63 organizations, wrote to the House Judiciary Committee last week to complain about the PRRA and “efforts to pass prison reform (or ‘back-end’ reform) legislation without including sentencing reform (or ‘front-end’ reform).” The Conference said that any “legislation that addresses only back end reforms is doomed to fail in achieving these goals. Without changes to sentencing laws that eliminate mandatory minimums, restore judicial discretion, reduce the national prison population, and mitigate disparate impacts on communities of color, H.R. 3356 alone will have little impact.”

The PRRA lets inmates earn credits for completing designated BOP programs that will let them go to halfway house or home confinement early, with the more credits earned, the earlier the prisoner can get released to residential reentry. But the Conference letter noted that “currently there are not enough of these programs available in the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) to serve those currently in prisons. Furthermore, BOP more recently has reduced the number of residential reentry centers it contracts with to provide halfway house programming.”

mcconnell180219And the leadership of two organizations on the opposite end of the political spectrum, conservative FreedomWorks and liberal Center for American Progress, wrote in The Hill last week that “[a] recent markup of the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act yielded the same favorable vote as the last committee vote on this legislation, and even those who voted against the legislation voiced support for some level of sentencing reform. Sen. Lee maintains that SRCA would receive 70 votes on the Senate floor, if Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) would simply allow the bill to come to a vote.”

Trump son-in-law and advisor Jared Kushner convinced President Trump to support prison reforms like those some states have implemented more than a decade ago, which since saved billions and has resulted both in the closure of prisons and a drastic reduction the crime rate. Jared presented those ideas to Trump at a White House meeting in January. The following month, the White House asked lawmakers to draw up legislation, highlighting many of the same policies.

Kushner has since worked with Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, a long-time criminal justice reform advocate, who helped craft the plan the House will begin debating this week.

Meanwhile, speculation that Trump may fire Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III – the man who torpedoed the SRCA and has backed off Obama-era easing of DOJ charging policies – has cooled. The Weekly Standard reported his week that such a firing is highly unlikely. Instead, Sessions has a stronger hold on his job than ever.

With Sessions gone, it would be difficult for Grassley to avoid spending the rest of the year on anything but hearings for a new AG. With the risk growing daily that the Democrats may capture the Senate in the midterm elections in November, the chance to confirm more conservative judges would have been frittered away.

sessions180215Still, The Standard reports that anti-Sessions sentiment lives on in the Trump family. Jared Kushner is a supporter of criminal justice reform, which Sessions opposes. EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt, who openly lobbied to replace Sessions and angered the President in the process, was Kushner’s hope for attorney general and possible backer of SRCA. Pruitt is hanging on to his EPA job by a thread, and has probably permanently spindled any hope of becoming Attorney General.

The Hill, Prison reform bill set for House markup next week (Apr. 11, 2018)

McClatchy Washington Bureau, Washington looks to Texas on federal prison reforms (Apr. 13, 2018)

The Leadership, Letter of Concern regarding H.R. 3356, the Prison Reform and Redemption Act (Apr. 12, 2018)

The Weekly Standard, Jeff Sessions and His Enemies (Apr. 13, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Not With a Bang But A Whimper Does ‘First Offender’ Die – Update for April 13, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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SENTENCING COMMISSION DOES NOTHING ON FIRST OFFENDER PROPOSAL

In a half-hour meeting ending yesterday, the U.S. Sentencing Commission promulgated amendments which will become effective on November 1, 2018, unless Congress blocks their effectiveness. As expected, the Commission proposed tough new sentencing guidelines for synthetic drugs like fentanyl. But not as anticipated, the USSC mentioned nothing about its ballyhooed First Offender Proposal.

planethype180413Last year, the Commission proposed a “First Offender” amendment, one that would give additional Guidelines benefit to people with pure criminal records. The USSC proposed that the virgins of the criminal world – people who had no prior convictions – get bonus points for a prior record that’s even better than Crim I.

For prisoners, the proposal has been the most hyped change in the Guidelines since the 2014 drug table amendments, despite the fact that its retroactivity was in doubt. Yet at yesterday’s meeting, without a single mention, the Commission adjourned without acting on the proposal.

As we have reported, if President Trump is successful in get his latest two nominees past the Senate and onto the Commission, retroactivity will enter the dark ages. But judging from yesterday’s nonevent, it looks like things could not get a whole lot worse for the already-sentenced.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Amendments to Sentencing Guidelines (Preliminary) (April 12, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root LISAStatHeader2small

Sentencing Reform Taking It On The Chin – Update for April 11, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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SENTENCING REFORM IS DEAD… LONG LIVE PRISON REFORM

kushner180411A couple of hagiographic news articles on Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner’s efforts pushing federal criminal justice reform last week make it clear, if it was not clear before, that hopes of sentencing reform – rewriting mandatory minimums and giving guys with grossly-stacked sentences a chance to get resentenced to something that make sense – are waning.

Notwithstanding Sen. Charles Grassley’s (R-Iowa) optimism, prospects for the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act of 2017, are bleak, with Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III leading Administration opposition to the notion of front-end sentencing reform.

So, if traditional sentencing reform is dead in the water, The Hill asked last week, what’s left? Prison reform legislation that focuses on reentry programs offering prisoners the opportunity to shorten their sentences on the back end is what’s being favored now. Rather than trimming sentences from the start, these programs allow prisoners to earn credits toward early release by participating in programs intended to help reintegrate them into society and reduce their propensity to reoffend. Although they face some of the same political resistance as front-end sentencing reductions, it is significantly easier to overcome.

redemption180411The Hill argued that prison reform bills “avoid many of the usual pitfalls that sentencing reform legislation encounters because they shift the narrative from one of retribution to redemption, from past wrong to future promise. Instead of getting bogged down on issues like whom to punish and for how long, politicians are able to talk about what comes next. Leaving the nominal sentence unchanged insulates these reforms from charges that they don’t adequately reflect the egregiousness of a given crime or that they will negatively impact deterrence.”

The Las Vegas Review-Journal suggested last week that anything criminal justice advocates may get from Congress this year will be due to Kushner, whose father did a bit a decade ago for some white-collar and tax beefs. Sentencing reform failed last year despite Obama’s willingness to sign it, and after law-and-order Trump was elected, it looked like any reform would not happen.

But Kushner convinced Trump to support prison reform (not sentencing reform), changes that would “create a prison system that will rehabilitate citizens who have made mistakes, paid the price and are deserving of a second chance — which will ultimately reduce crime and save taxpayer dollars.”

sessions180322In practical terms, Kushner has helped in two ways. First, his commitment tells Hill Republicans that Trump is not likely to reverse his support for prison reform. Second, Kushner found a way to co-opt Sessions, by convincing advocates to delay their push for sentencing reform in exchange for Sessions not standing in the way of their rehabilitation goals. As a result, DOJ now “is working closely with the White House to develop legislative reforms that further the president’s goals for prison and re-entry improvements,” said spokesman Drew Hudson.

The lead horse in the prison reform race is the Prison Reform and Redemption Act, sponsored by Rep. Doug Collins, R-Georgia, that would require prisons to assess inmates’ recidivism risk, encourage drug treatment and offer incentives for inmates to participate in recidivism reduction programs.

Collins said his bill would create “a federal prison-wide system for evaluating the risk of every individual prisoner for re-offending and then offering evidence-based resources — like mental health care, vocational skills, substance abuse treatment and faith-based programs — that make them less likely to re-offend when they are released.”

Las Vegas Review-Journal, For Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner, prison reform is personal (April 7, 2018)

ABC, Inside Jared Kushner’s personal crusade to reform America’s prisons (April 8, 2018)

The Hill, Incentivized early release the right path to sentencing reform under Trump-Sessions (April 6, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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10th Circuit Adds Fuel to the 3582(c)(2) Jurisdiction Fire – Update for April 10, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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CIRCUIT SPLIT ON 3582(c)(2) JURISDICTIONAL QUESTION DEEPENS

Marconia Green is a guy who is determined to get sentence-reduction credit because of the USSC’s 2-level changes in the drug Guidelines. He has filed numerous times, but run up against a district judge not included to cut him a break. On his fourth 18 USC 3582(c)(2) filing, the district court ruled it lacked jurisdiction to hear a successive sentence-reduction motion.

success180410When the U.S. Sentencing Commission changes the Sentencing Guidelines in such a way as to reduce the sentencing range a defendant would be assigned for certain conduct, that change does not necessarily benefit people who have already been sentenced. Instead, it’s prospective only, unless the Commission makes a separate determination that the change should be retroactive to people already doing time.

If a Sentencing Guideline change is made retroactive, a prisoner must file a motion under 18 USC 3582(c)(2) in order to obtain the benefit of it. If the prisoner is eligible because the Guideline change lowers his or her advisory sentencing range, the judge who originally imposed the sentence considers a wealth of information about the offense and the prisoner’s progress since being locked up. The judge may grant a sentence reduction to the extent of the Sentencing Guideline change, may deny it, or may decide to only grant a portion of the benefit.

Retroactivity is not always a sure thing. The Commission has passed on it for some changes, primarily because so many inmates would have been affected that the courts would be swamped with 3582(c)(2) motions. But many changes, primarily reductions in drug sentencing levels since 2007, have been made retroactive. About 30,000 inmates took advantage of the last change in 2014 to seek and obtain sentence reductions.

A few who tried and failed have tried, tried again. Marconia Green is one. As we noted, on Marconia’s fourth try, the court ruled that it lacked jurisdiction to hear more than one 3582(c)(2) per inmate per Guidelines change.

jurisdiction180410Jurisdiction, of course, is a big deal, because it cannot be waived and it does not depend on the merit of the claim. And lack of it is pretty final. There could be big changes in an inmate’s history since the last filing, some prior state convictions might have gone away, the prisoner might have amassed a lot more programming, he might have suffered an illness that means he is unlikely to pose a threat to the community… But if the court lacks jurisdiction to hear a second 3582(c)(2) after the first one is denied, none of that could matter.

Last week, the 10th Circuit joined five other Circuits in holding that 3582(c)(2) does not contain a jurisdictional bar to successive motions under the same guidelines amendment. “Such a numerical restriction on the court’s jurisdiction is wholly absent from the text of the statute,” the 10th said. For the bar to be jurisdictional, the statute must “plainly show that Congress imbued a procedural bar with jurisdictional consequences.” Absent a clear statement from Congress that any potential bar on the number of motions a defendant may file per amendment is jurisdictional, 3582(c)(2) does not divest a district court of jurisdiction to consider a second motion to modify a sentence under the same amendment.”

As of now, six circuits say that the bar to successive 3582(c)(2) motion filings is jurisdictional. Six say it is not. With a 6-6 split in the circuits, this issue could easily find its way to the Supreme Court.

United States v. Green, Case No. 17-6001 (10th Cir., April 6, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Sentencing Commission May Adopt First Offender Proposal on Thursday – Update for April 9, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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 SENTENCING COMMISSION SET TO ADOPT AMENDMENTS

Some of our friends who publish their own newsletters have predicted 17 of the last two United States Sentencing Commission actions on the so-called first offender proposal. They should be glad that the long wait is just about over. The USSC will hold its April meeting on Thursday, April 12, at which time it is expected to adopt proposed amendments for November 2018, including quite possibly some form of first offender relief.

abscissa180319The USSC’s sentencing guidelines are based on a cartesian system with the abscissa being the offense level and the ordinate being the defendant’s criminal history. If you rob a bank, that offense is worth a base offense level of so many points. If you threatened an old lady in the process, that is worth a few more points, but if you confess after being caught, that takes a few points off.

Your criminal history is calculated based on the number, severity and age of prior criminal convictions. A prior drunk driving is not as bad as a felony burglary, and while a 12-year old misdemeanor possession of pot charge isn’t worth anything, a 12-year old felony trafficking in pot is. The result is a Total Offense Level and Criminal expressed in Arabic numbers (such as a Level 22) and a Criminal History Category expressed in Roman numerals (such as a “III”). On the sentencing table that is Chapter 5A of the Federal Sentencing Guidelines, a defendant with a Total Offense Level of 22 and a Crim History Level III would have a suggested sentencing range of  51-63 months.

Oscar180410Now for the “First Offender” proposal: It is entirely possible to have prior convictions galore and yet be a Criminal History I (the best score you can achieve). The Guidelines define a Crim I as someone with zero or one criminal history point, which means you could have had a couple of heroin distribution felonies in the 1980s, a string of misdemeanor domestic violences between 1990 and 2006, and one minor misdemeanor 2014, and – because of the age of the offenses – be a Criminal History I. Such a defendant is far different from the 55-year old guy who has never even gotten a traffic ticket, but ends up with a tax fraud conviction. Both defendants get the best treatment from the Sentencing Table that’s possible, but one is a genuine virgin while the other has simply mastered the talent of not getting caught. In recognition, the USSC proposed  that the Phoebe Snows of the criminal world get bonus points for a prior record that’s purer than Crim I.

Two options for a “First Offender” guideline were floated by the USSC. One was that any defendant with zero criminal history points should be considered a First Offender. The second proposal, a stricter one, was more like an Academy Award for lifetime achievement, and would give bonus points to those with no criminal convictions any time in their past, no matter how old.

virgin180409As for nomenclature, the First Offender guideline would adjust a first offender’s Total Offense Level downward. The Sentencing Commission suggested that either all defendants who qualify as “first offenders” would receive a 1-level reduction from their offense level, or perhaps that  defendants who qualify as “first offenders” would receive a 2-level reduction if their Total Offense Level was below 16 and a 1-level reduction if it’s above. 

After the spate of comments for and against the various proposals (and a few against any First Offender guideline at all) presented to the USSC last month, we’ll see in a few days just how eager the Commission is the Trumpian “law-and-order” atmosphere that overhangs Washington to give any defendant, no matter how deserving, a break.

If it is adopted, the First Offender amendment will not be retroactive – that is, not apply to people already sentenced – unless the USSC holds an additional proceeding to declare it so. In other words, current federal inmates are urged not to fall for pitches from anyone (be it an outside service or a guy in the law library who wants some commissary) to prepare a filing to claim your sentence reduction. While it could happen, it will not be happening soon.

knuckles180409And, as we all know, the President has nominated some genuine knuckle-draggers to serve on the Commission. If they are confirmed by the Senate, you can likely kiss any chance for retroactivity goodbye.

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Public Meeting – April 12, 2018

– Thomas L. Root

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We’ve Got the Shorts – Update for April 4, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. Today, we’re posting some short features from Monday’s inmate newsletter.

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JUDGE POSNER OPENS LEGAL CENTER FOR PRO SE ASSISTANCE

Retired Judge Richard Posner of the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals last week announced the opening of the Posner Center of Justice for Pro Se’s, a continuation of his prior pro bono project. The Center’s vision is to assist pro se litigants  – which constitute up to 50% of federal courts’ workload – behind the scenes to help them to successfully represent themselves.

prose161209“Representing oneself in court is often the best way for a pro se to obtain justice,” Posner said in news release. “Unlike judges, juries tend to be impressed by a lone litigant standing up against a gaggle of lawyers.”

The center already has about 80 lawyers and non-lawyer advisors spread across 27 states, and expects eventually to have representatives in all 50 states as well as U.S. territories. All staff are currently unpaid—though the center says that could change.

“There are reliably believed to be at least a million pro se’s in the United States,” Posner said. “Many of those pro se’s, however, don’t realize they can obtain legal assistance. Therefore, I will continue to work to get the message out that our organization exists, and then try to assist as many deserving pro se’s as possible.”

Posner resigned from the 7th Circuit last fall after more than three decades on the bench. He said he left in part because of disagreements with colleagues over how the court handles pro se litigants, many of whom are prison inmates.

The Posner initiative does not yet have an Internet presence, and no contact information is available. But we’re looking…

Litigation Daily, Introducing The Posner Center of Justice for Pro Se’s (Mar. 28, 2018)

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HEY, KIDS, DON’T TRY THIS RDAP HACK AT HOME

Who wouldn’t like a year off his federal sentence? The Bureau of Prisons operates an intensive Residential Drug Abuse Program, as directed by Congress, which consists of nine months of classes and treatment while incarcerated and further treatment during the prisoner’s transition through halfway house. Inmates lucky enough to get into the program and to complete it may receive up to one year off their sentences.

lawyer15170317When RDAP started, every defense lawyer quickly learned that he or she should ask the judge to recommend RDAP for a defendant being sentenced. The judges were compliant, because, after all, the recommendation didn’t cost them anything. But the BOP wised up, and began requiring substantial evidence that the inmate had a substance abuse issue in the year prior to his or her arrest.

So getting into RDAP (and getting that year-off carrot the BOP dangles to encourage successful completion) can be tough. But, federal prosecutors say, not if you’re lawyer is hard-charging Brooklyn attorney Scott Brettschneider.

whitey180405As alleged in a criminal case filed last week in the Eastern District of New York, Scott – known to denizens of the EDNY courts as “Mighty Whitey” – drafted a letter to the BOP for one of his clients, falsely recounting the client’s history of substance and alcohol dependence.  The letter was signed by Mighty’s non-lawyer assistant, who said he was the inmate’s treatment provider. Mighty Whitey sent the letter to the BOP to win his client’s admission into RDAP.

The Feds tumbled to the scheme somehow, and wiretapped Mighty Whitey talking to the inmate on a smuggled cell phone in prison, discussing the letter. One of Mighty’s sidekicks allegedly said on a call that he doubted the BOP would be “scrutinizing it that much.”

He appears to have been mistaken. Quite mistaken.

U.S. Attorney E.D.N.Y. News Release, Queens Criminal Defense Attorney and Three Other Individuals Indicted for Conspiracy and Making False Statements (Mar. 26, 2018)

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WITHER DIMAYA?

The most common question we get from readers is ‘how do I get up out of prison?’ The second most common question we hear is ‘when is the Supreme Court going to decide Lynch v. Dimaya (now known as Sessions v. Dimaya)?’

violence160110Dimaya, which relates in part to whether the Johnson v. United States declaration that part of the “crime of violence” definition was unconstitutional, was argued on the first day of the current Supreme Court term (last October 2nd). This was after the case was held over from the prior term for reargument (suggesting the Court was split 4-4 after the prior argument, which occurred before Justice Gorsuch was confirmed). Of the nine cases argued in October 2017, four of them (including Dimaya) remain undecided. Only Dimaya has any criminal law impact.

Last week, Supreme Court observer Amy Howe predicted that either Justice Kagan or Gorsuch would be writing Dimaya. She did not guess as to when that opinion would issue.

SCOTUSBlog, Reading the Tea Leaves (Mar. 26, 2018)

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– Thomas L. Root

Surprise – Sentencing Commission Finds Retroactive Sentence Cuts Don’t Make You More of a Criminal – Update for April 3, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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USSC STUDY OF FAIR SENTENCING ACT RELEASEES SHOWS NO DIFFERENCE IN RECIDIVISM

sessions180322One of the primary complaints lodged by Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III against sentencing reform is that all sorts of hardened criminals will be getting out of prison early to wreak havoc on society. Unsurprisingly, a U.S. Sentencing Commission study released last week refutes that claim, and suggests that the AG’s opposition to retroactive sentencing cuts is a fact-free position.

In the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988, 2010, Congress panicked its way into a terrible piece of legislation that, among other things, considered crack cocaine such a scourge that defendants possessing it were punished as though they possessed 100 times the amount of cocaine. Back then, if you were caught holding 5 grams of crack, you were sentenced to the same time as someone with a kilo of cocaine in his backpack.

10grams180403The effect of the ADAA was to pack the federal prisons with black inmates, because overwhelmingly, the users of crack – which was cheap compared to cocaine powder – were the urban poor, and the urban poor are overwhelmingly black. A white college kid with no record, caught peddling a few snorts of coke, maybe 10 grams of powder, faced a 10-16 month sentence. The same kid, black with no record busted holding 10 grams of crack cocaine, got a 51-63 month sentence.

One hardly had to be a math quiz to figure out how the number of black federal inmates skyrocketed, while the amount of underlying criminal conduct pretty much stayed the same.

Over the 20 years following the ADAA, the U.S. Sentencing Commission complained to Congress repeatedly about the unintended racial impact of the ADAA. Finally, in 2010, Congress passed the Fair Sentencing Acta bill Sessions supported as a senator, that reduced the treatment disparity between coke and crack from 100:1 to 18:1. Now the white kid still got 10-16 months, while the black kid got 27-33 months. Still not perfect, but better.

Responding to the passage of the FSA, the Sentencing Commission amended the Guidelines to reduce crack penalties in the drug table, and permitted people who had already been sentenced to apply for a sentence reduction under 18 USC 3582(c)(2). Now, the Commission has compared the post-release conduct of crack cocaine offenders who were released immediately before and after implementation of the 2011 Fair Sentencing Act Guideline amendment.

recid160321The study, with the unwieldy name of Recidivism Among Federal Offenders Receiving Retroactive Sentence Reductions: The 2011 Fair Sentencing Act Guideline Amendment, asked whether reduced sentences for the FSA retroactivity defendants resulted in increased recidivism, a near-constant warning by Sessions of the effect of any retroactive sentencing reform. 

The report said the recidivism rates were virtually identical for both groups: “Over a three-year period following their release… each group had a recidivism rate of 37.9%.” The recidivism for about a third of each group was relatively insignificant court or supervised violations, meaning that only about one out of four people committed a serious offense in the 3 years following release.

FreedomWorks.org, a free-market libertarian organization, said, “The USSC report confirmed long-held beliefs of proponents of retroactivity, and undermine the fear-driven narrative opponents of sentencing reform in their attacks on the impact of retroactivity.”

FreedomWorks, In the case of Fair Sentencing Act retroactivity, USSC report lends resounding endorsement (Mar. 28, 2018)

U.S. Sentencing Commission, Recidivism Among Federal Offenders Receiving Retroactive Sentence Reductions: The 2011 Fair Sentencing Act Guideline Amendment (Mar. 28, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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4th Circuit Enters the 2255(e) Savings Clause Debate… on the Right Side – Update for Monday, April 2, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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4TH CIRCUIT OKs 2241 FILINGS ON SENTENCING ERRORS

The 4th Circuit reversed years of denying people who had received elevated sentences improperly due to prior state convictions in a decision last week that, at the same time, defined when the Sec. 2255(e) “savings clause” would let someone file a Sec. 2241 habeas corpus action.

The statute that permits federal prisoners to file a habeas corpus-type collateral attack on their convictions or sentences, 28 USC 2255, has fairly strict time requirements, as well as a one-to-a-customer provision that makes the filing of a second 2255 motion extraordinarily difficult.

Maybe a little less sandbagging movants with the Savings clause?
Maybe a little less sandbagging movants with the savings clause?

For that reason, Congress included a section in the statute, 2255(e), commonly called the “savings clause,” which permits prisoners who have already filed and lost a 2255 motion, but cannot get permission to file a second one, to use a 28 USC 2241 classic habeas corpus filing when the 2255 motion “is inadequate or ineffective to test the legality of his detention.” Courts have done their level best over the years to make application of the savings clause as rate as a snowfall on July 4th. But, last week, the 4th Circuit provided some clarity and hope to prisoners.

Gerald Webster had gotten a higher sentence because of a prior North Carolina drug felony that later on was ruled not to be a felony under the United States v. Simmons case (due to a 16-year structured sentencing experiment North Carolina began in 1994). But Simmons’ retroactivity came too late for Jerry, whose 2255 motion had been heard by then. He tried a 2241 motion then, which was denied by the district court because he only showed he was actually innocent of a sentence, not of the underlying conviction.

Whether the 2255(e) savings clause applied to sentences as well as convictions had been left hanging in United States v. Surratt, which was on panel rehearing in the 4th Circuit when President Obama mooted it by giving Mr. Surratt a commutation to time served. Last week, the 4th Circuit patched the hole.

In last week’s decision, the Circuit held that the 2255(e) savings clause could be invoked if (1) when the defendant was sentenced, circuit or Supreme Court precedent made the sentence legal, but  (2) after the prisoner’s direct appeal and first 2255 motion, the settled substantive law changed and (3) the change was retroactive. The defendant must also (4) be unable to make a showing justifying a second and successive 2255 motions, and (5) due to the retroactive change, the defendant’s sentence now presents an error sufficiently grave to be deemed a “fundamental defect.”

The Circuit held that in this case, Jerry’s statutory minimum would have been half of the sentence to which the defendant was subjected, and that error “implicates separation of powers principles and due process rights fundamental to our justice system.” Thus, the error was a fundamental defect, and Jerry was entitled to resentencing with the lower statutory minimum.

United States v. Wheeler, Case No. 16-6073 (4th Cir. Mar. 28, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Talk About Killing Drug Dealers Crowds Out Talk About Reforming Their Sentences – Update for March 30, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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QUIET COUPLE OF WEEKS ON SENTENCING AND PRISON REFORM


hangem180330President Trump turned the criminal justice legislative front on its head last week with his call to execute drug traffickers.
That’s already the law (although Trump appears not to know that), although it is a law which the Dept. of Justice has not used until now because of its questionable constitutionality. Nevertheless, little was done last week on the sentencing or prison reform issues in front of Congress.

Reps. Doug Collins (R-Georgia) and Hakeem Jeffries (D-New York) did report last week that the House Judiciary Committee will mark up their legislation, H.R. 3356, the Prison Reform and Redemption Act, after Congress returns from its Easter break in April, with a full vote expected soon after. The PRRA focuses on rehabilitation and job training ahead of an inmate’s release from federal prison, and provides good-time incentives for prisoners to enroll in programs that have a proven track record by establishing a post-sentencing risk-and-needs assessment.

justicereform161128Last week, the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights wrote to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) and Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-New York) on behalf of 59 criminal justice, human rights, and faith-based organizations, to oppose effort to pass S.1994, the CORRECTIONS Act of 2017, which addresses prison reform without doing anything to include sentencing reform (or “front end” reform). “Any legislation that addresses only back end reforms.” The organizations said, “is doomed to fail in achieving these goals. Without changes to sentencing laws that eliminate mandatory minimums, restore judicial discretion, reduce the national prison population, and mitigate disparate impacts on communities of color, S.1994 alone will have little impact.”

Federalist, Trump’s Plan to Execute Drug Dealers is Bluster Masquerading as a Solution (Mar. 19, 2018)

H.R. 3356, Prison Reform and Redemption Act

S.1994,  CORRECTIONS Act of 2017

World, Lawmakers seek end to justice reform stalemate
(Mar. 22, 2018)

The Leadership Conference, Letter to Mitch McConnell on S. 1917 (Mar. 23, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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