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The ‘Hawaiian Good-Luck Sign’ – Update for May 24, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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THE 6TH CIRCUIT’S REFRESHINGLY DEFERENTIAL APPROACH TO INEFFECTIVE ASSISTANCE

In an opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal yesterday, Richard Miniter urged President Trump to demand the return of the USS Pueblo, still held by North Korea after its 1968 illegal seizure in international waters. Miniter recalled Navy Commander Lloyd Bucher’s leading the crew to resist the North Koreans, who starved and tortured them. Once, the article recounted, Cmdr. Bucher instructed the crew to raise their middle fingers, a gesture he told his captors was a “Hawaiian good-luck sign.”

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The change-of-plea pas de deux for defendant and judge in a federal criminal proceeding is dictated by Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 11, and bears more than a passing resemblance to the staged photos and confessions so favored by despots such as Rocket Man, his daddy and grand-daddy.  The defendant is asked whether everything has been fully explained to him, whether he’s happy with his lawyer, whether anyone has promised him anything not in the plea agreement, whether he feels forced into pleading guilty… 

The truth, of course, is that the defendant is rarely happy with his lawyer right about then, usually has a slew of questions (many of which he does not yet know enough to ask), was told by counsel that all sorts of bad things would happen if he rejected the plea but that he would be treated gently if he took the deal… You get the idea. Deciding whether to accept a plea offer is a complex weighing of many factors: ironically, one of the least important, at least in the federal world, is whether the defendant is guilty of the offense.

Lawyers always tell their clients to not speak out of turn, let counsel do the talking, and – when asked any of the questions we described above – to answer affirmatively. Clients, fearful of the consequences of screwing up the plea deal after they had made the psychic investment needed to accede to it, follow counsel’s advice.

Of course, down the road the defendant may realize that counsel’s advice was not the gold-leaved diamond he believed it to be when he pled guilty or appeared for sentencing. Then, his defense attorney becomes a convincing witness for the government, and the defendant is, as Big Brother put in the iconic Apple Mac “1984” ad, buried with his own confusion.

appleadB180524Indeed, sometimes  it seems the only time a district court believes a defense attorney is when he or she provides an affidavit opposing a defendant’s 28 USC 2255 motion. Last week, however, the 6th Circuit threw the hammer on defendants’ behalf, reminding district courts that something more than mindless rejection of 2255 ineffective-assistance-of-counsel motions is required by the law.

Andy Martin pled guilty to a scheme to rip off a mentally disabled patient, and then of conspiring to kill the patient’s trustee in order to pull off the fraud. Before sentencing, an attorney representing him in a civil suit over the same situation convinced him to file a pleading in the civil case in which Andy denied any intent to defraud the patient.

At sentencing, the government produced the pleading from the civil case, and argued Andy should not get any credit for acceptance of responsibility. Andy’s lawyer argued that the) motion was out of character for Andy, that he filed it in a misguided attempt to mitigate the damage done to his family, and that he nevertheless demonstrated an acceptance of responsibility by pleading guilty and in his allocution at the sentencing hearing. The district court denied any points off for acceptance.

Andy filed a pro se 2255 motion arguing that his trial attorneys provided ineffective assistance of counsel by telling him to file the civil motion, causing him to lose the 3-point reduction for acceptance of responsibility. Andy said one of his lawyers insisted that Andy include language in the civil motion that was contradictory to his guilty plea statement, and, when Andy asked whether it would affect his criminal case, his attorneys “assured him it wouldn’t.” Andy included an affidavit from his wife and mother saying the same thing.

The Government filed an opposition, attaching affidavits from Andy’s trial lawyers, the fee agreement between Andy and his lawyer relating to the civil case, and a billing statement from his lawyer for the civil representation.

Andy’s court denied the motion, saying that “although he asserts that there are facts in dispute, Martin offers no proof beyond mere self-serving allegations that either counsel was ineffective.”

beautiful180524The 6th Circuit reversed, pointing out that Andy has presented far more than mere assertions of innocence. Andy’s 2255 motion contained specific factual allegations about the deficiencies of his attorneys’ advice and assistance relating to the civil motion. He alleged his lawyer agreed to advise him on the civil matter and that Andy paid him a $4000 retainer. He alleged that between his lawyer advised him to file the civil motion, reviewed his draft motion, insisted that he include language that contradicted his guilty plea, and assured him that it would not affect his criminal case or sentencing.

Because Andy presented factual allegations that supported his ineffectiveness claim, the Court said, he is entitled to an evidentiary hearing unless the allegations cannot be accepted as true because “they are contradicted by the record” or are “inherently incredible.” The court’s statement that Andy offered no proof beyond “mere self-serving allegations” failed to acknowledge that Andy supported his allegations with more than just his own words, but the words of others, too. Plus, a “self-serving” affidavit is not inherently incredible. Most affidavits are self-serving. In fact, in the 6th Circuit, a defendant’s statements alone are sufficient to support a finding that he would have accepted a plea offer.

A self-serving affidavit is not the same as a conclusory one. And the fact that Andy did not object at sentencing when the court snatched away the 3-level reduction does not mean much, either, the Court said. “It is unusual—and generally discouraged—for a represented defendant to make objections on his own, to make his own arguments outside allocution, or to otherwise interrupt the judge or lawyers at his sentencing hearing. Martin’s failure to independently object may simply reflect a client’s reasonable decision to rely on his attorneys and follow typical court procedure.” In other words, the defendant is not expected to employ the Hawaiian “good-luck” sign at change-of-plea or sentencing in order to protect his rights later.

appleadA180524The 6th’s decision is a refreshing explanation of all the reasons district courts often place unjustified reliance on what a defendant does or does not say at sentencing, and how the fact that a defendant’s 2255 motion does not prove a fact does not necessarily make the fact inherently incredible, and thus undeserving of a hearing.

United States v. Martin, Case No. 16-3864 (6th Cir. May 14, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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House Passes FIRST STEP Act – Update for May 23, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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FULL HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES PASSES FIRST STEP ACT, PUTS THE BALL IN THE SENATE’S COURT

firststep1800509The U.S. House of Representatives upped the ante on criminal justice reform late yesterday afternoon by passing the admittedly limited (and some say flawed) FIRST STEP Act, H.R. 5682, by an overwhelming 350-59 vote.

The bill, called the “Formerly Incarcerated Reenter Society Transformed Safely Transitioning Every Person Act’’ or the ‘‘FIRST STEP Act,” offers more funding for prison programs in an attempt to reduce inmates’ likelihood to re-offend after they’ve been released.

The House Judiciary Committee approved the bill two weeks ago by a 25-5 vote, sending it to the House floor for a vote, replacing the Prison Reform and Redemption Act, H.R. 3356. Reps. Doug Collins (R-Georgia) and Hakeem Jeffries (D-New York), co-sponsors of the PRRA, wheeled and dealt with committee members to revise a number of provisions, which resulted in their introducing the new FIRST STEP Act.

It should be fun to watch the Senate consider this one...
The Senate should have fun with  this one…

There is a lot that must happen before the legislation becomes law, and there is no guarantee that the Senate will even bring it to a vote, let alone pass it. Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) is already drawing a red line, demanding that sentencing reform be included.

But if the measure did become law as it is written today, this is some of what it would do:

(1)  RISK ASSESSMENT AND PROGRAMMING CREDIT

FIRST STEP proposes to use a new “risk assessment” tool, which the Federal Bureau of Prisons will develop and employ over 18 months to calculate how likely an inmate is to commit new crimes upon release. Once everyone is assessed as minimum, low, medium or high, some inmates will be entitled to get earned-time credits that may be cashed in for more halfway house or home confinement that what BOP was otherwise prepared to offer.

risky-business-4fea6b87b70a6The BOP is responsible for identifying the programs that will entitle inmates to credit. Programs that could earn credit include working at UNICOR, RDAP, GED and adult education programs, as well as mental health programs. Inmates participating the approved programs can earn 10 days of credit for every 30 days of classes. Once an inmate has worked down to the minimum risk for recidivism, he or she can get 15 days for every 30 days of programming. The bill also provides that while inmates are successfully completing courses, the BOP should extend other benefits, including higher commissary spending limits, longer phone time, more visiting hours, and closer-to-home transfers. The bill suggests that all inmates can earn these rewards, but only eligible inmates can get time credits.

Priority for participation in recidivism reduction programs is to be given to medium-risk and high-risk prisoners, with access to productive activities given to minimum-risk and low-risk prisoners. Inmates may use credits earned in the programs to serve more time in halfway houses or on home confinement.

(2)  GOOD TIME INCREASE

Title 18, USC 3624(b) has always said that inmates can earn 54 days a year in good time. The BOP, however, interpreted the statute to mean that after a year, you get your 54 days. Everyone else thought that you get 54 days after 319 days, to make a full year. The difference in interpretation, upheld by the Supreme Court, was seven days.

goodconduct180509FIRST STEP cleans up the good-time language of 18 USC 3624(b) to give inmates the extra seven days, and makes the change retroactive to the first day of all current sentences. So in a 60-month sentence, an inmate would get 35 more days lopped off his sentence. It may not seem like a lot, but everyone with an “out date” – no matter what the offense – gets the cut. This is estimated to affect 93% of all federal inmates (the remainder serving life sentences or on death row).

(3)  CLOSER TO HOME

The bill also directs the BOP to make placing an inmate near home for his or her whole bit a top priority. BOP still has wiggle room for bed space, programming, CIM status and the such, but the 500-mile distance will now be 500 driving miles, not the 500 straight-line miles BOP used previously, which were a hardship to so many. And it will make the 500-mile limit a statutory imperative, harder for the BOP to ignore.

(4)  MAX HOME CONFINEMENT

The bill also amends 18 USC Sec. 3624(c)(2) to require the BOP, “to the extent practicable, place prisoners with lower risk levels and lower needs on home confinement for the maximum amount of time permitted under this paragraph.” That time, 10% of a sentence up to a maximum of six months, remains unchanged.

(5)  ELDERLY OFFENDER, COMPASSIONATE RELEASE WILL BE D-I-Y

compassion160124The bill changes the elderly offender program, extending it to the whole BOP system, not just a few prisons. It also drops the age for elderly offenders from 65 to 60, drops the requirement that the amount of the sentence served from 75% to 67%, and completely eliminates the requirement that the inmate serve a minimum of 10 years.

Best of all, the elderly offender program, the eligible terminally ill offender program, and the compassionate release programs would all now permit the inmate himself or herself to file with the courts for relief if the BOP fails or refuses to make the request itself.

(6)  SO WHO IS ELIGIBLE?

Everyone other than those with life sentences will get an additional seven days off per year, retroactive to the beginning of their current sentence. Likewise, everyone will be eligible for in-prison benefits like higher commissary limits, better visitation, preferential housing, or more phone time.

eligible180523However, the real prize for completion of rehab programs will be the RRC credits, additional time awarded to people for halfway house or home confinement, and there is a long list of inmates not eligible for RRC credits. The most common excluded categories are people serving sentences under Title 18 or Title 21 for

(1) Sec. 113(a)(1), relating to assault with intent to commit murder.

(2) Sec. 115, relating to influencing, impeding, or retaliating against an official by injuring a family member, except for a threat made in violation of that section

(3) Any section of chapter 10, relating to biological weapons.

(4) Any section of chapter 115, relating to chemical weapons.

(5)   Any Sec. of chapter 39, relating to explosives and other dangerous articles, except for Sec. 836 (relating to the transportation of fireworks into a State prohibiting sale or use).

(6)   Sec. 842(p), relating to distribution of information relating to explosive, destructive devices, and weapons of mass destruction, but only if the conviction involved a weapon of mass destruction (as defined in Sec. 23382a(c)(2) of such title).

(7)  Subsec. (f)(38), (h), or (1) of Sec. 844, relating to the use of fire or an explosive.

(8) Sec. 924(e), relating to unlawful possession of a firearm by a person with 3 or more convictions for a violent, felony.

(9) Sec. 10380(a)(1), relating to fraud and related activity in connection with computers.

(10) Any section of chapter 951, relating to homicide, except for Sec. 1112 (relating to manslaughter), 1113 (relating to attempt to commit murder or manslaughter, but only 1f the conviction was for an attempt to commit manslaughter), 1115 (relating to misconduct or neglect of ship officers), or 1122 (relating to protection against the human immunodeficiency virus).

(11) Any section of chapter 55, relating to kidnapping.

(12) Any offense under chapter 77, relating to peonage, slavery, and trafficking in persons, except for Secs 1592 through 1596.

(13) Sec. 1751, relating to Presidential and Presidential staff assassination, kidnapping, and assault.

(14) Sec. 1841(a)(2)(C), relating to intentionally killing or attempting to kill an unborn child.

(15) Sec. 1992, relating to terrorist attacks and other violence against railroad carriers and against mass transportation systems on land, on water, or through the air.

(16) Sec. 2113(e), relating to bank robbery resulting in death.

(17) Sec. 2118(e)(2), relating’ to robberies and burglaries involving controlled substances resulting in death.

(18) Sec. 2119(3), relating to taking a motor vehicle (commonly referred to as ‘carjacking’) that results in death.

(19) Any section of chapter 109A, relating to sexual abuse, except that with regard to Sec. 2244, only a conviction under subsec. (c) of that section (relating to abusive sexual contact involving young children) shall make a prisoner ineligible under this subparagraph.

(20) Sec. 2251, relating to the sexual exploitation of children.

(21) Sec. 22514, relating to the selling or buying of children.

(22) Any of paragraphs (1) through (3) of Sec. 2252(a), relating to certain activities relating to material involving the sexual exploitation of minors.

(23) A second or subsequent conviction under any of paragraphs (1) through (6) of Sec. 2252A(a), relating to certain activities relating to material constituting or containing child pornography.

(24) Sec. 2260, relating to the production of sexually explicit depictions of a minor for importation into the United States.

(25) Sec. 2284, relating to the transportation of terrorists.

(26) Sec. 2291, relating to the destruction of a vessel or maritime facility, but only 1f the conduct which led to the conviction involved a substantial risk of death or serious bodily injury.

(27) Any section of chapter 1135, relating to terrorism.

(28) Sec. 2340A, relating to torture

(29) Sec. 2381, relating to treason

(30) Sec. 2442, relating to the recruitment or use of child soldiers.

notyou180523(31) Sec. 401(a) of the Controlled Substances Act (21 U.S.C. 841) relating to manufacturing or distributing a controlled substance, but only in the case of a conviction for an offense described in subparagraph (A), (B), or (C) of subsec. (b)(1) of that section for which death or serious bodily injury resulted from the use of such substance.

(32) Sec. 276(a) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1326), relating to the reentry of a removed alien, but only if the alien is described in paragraph (1) or (2) of subsec. (b) of that section.

(33) Sec. 601 of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3121), relating to the protection of identities of certain United States undercover intelligence officers, agents, informants, and sources.

(34) An offense described in Sec. 3559(c)(2)(F), for which the offender was sentenced to a term of imprisonment of more than one year, if the offender has a previous conviction for which the offender served a term of Imprisonment of more than one year, for a Federal or State offense, by whatever designation and wherever committed, consisting of murder (as described in Sec. 1111), voluntary manslaughter (as described in Sec. 1112), assault with intent to commit murder (as described in Sec. 113(a)), aggravated sexual abuse and sexual abuse (as described in Secs 2241 and 2242), abusive sexual contact (as described in Secs 2244(a)(1) and (a)(2)), kidnapping (as described in chapter 55), carjacking (as described in Sec. 2119), arson (as described in Sec. 844(f)(3), (h), or ()), or terrorism (as described in chapter 113B).

H.R. 5682, Formerly Incarcerated Reenter Society Transformed Safely Transitioning Every Person Act (passed by the House of Representatives May 22, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Knock Me Over With a Feather: 5th Circuit Seeks to Correct Unjust Sentence – Update for May 22, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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KNOCK ME OVER WITH A FEATHER

After a federal court of appeals decides a case, it issues a mandate, which is the appellate court’s transmittal of its order to the lower court for that court to carry out what the appeals court has ordered be done.  

hailmary180522There is a procedure – a Hail Mary if ever there was one – known as recall of the mandate, in which the unsuccessful litigant asks the appellate court to recall its mandate to take another look at the decision. The standard for getting a mandate recalled varies by court, but the 5th Circuit’s Local Rule 41.2 is not atypical: “Once issued a mandate will not be recalled except to prevent injustice.”

Regardless of the announced standard, appellate advocates know that getting a court to actually recall its mandate is well-nigh impossible.

At least that was the case until last week brought a remarkable 5th Circuit decision. In 2015, Jesus Montalvo pleaded guilty to reentering the United States. The presentence report recommended applying a 16-level “crime of violence” enhancement pursuant to 2L1.2(b)(1)(A)(ii) of the Guidelines based on Jesus’s prior conviction for burglary under Texas Penal Code 30.02(a).

injustice180522At the time, Jesus argued his prior conviction did not qualify for the enhancement because Texas Penal Code 30.02(a) is an “indivisible” statute and is categorically broader than generic “burglary of a dwelling. But at time, 5th Circuit precedent in United States v. Uribe held otherwise, so Jesus’ sentence was upheld in May 2017.

But 10 months later, the en banc 5th Circuit issued United States v. Herrold, holding that the Texas burglary statute was indivisible and overruling Uribe. Jesus promptly filed a motion to recall the mandate and for leave to file an out-of-time petition for panel rehearing.

Last week, the 5th Circuit granted the motion. The Court agreed that Jesus was entitled to recall because Herrold had rendered the Court’s decision in his case was “demonstrably wrong,” and that failure to recall the mandate “would produce an unwarranted disparity between him and similarly situated defendants in other cases.” The Court said that “both of these factors favor recall and find that a third consideration — Montalvo’s demonstrated diligence in asserting his claim — does as well.” The Court said that “the interest in correcting our decision, now that Herrold has rendered it ‘demonstrably wrong’ weighs heavily in favor of recalling the mandate in this case.”

The government faulted Jesus for not filing a petition for rehearing en banc or a petition for a writ of certiorari. But the Court said Jesus had “objected to his sentence enhancement in the district court, not just on appeal. That shows sufficient diligence on his part.”

feather180533The notable aspect of the case is that Jesus, who undoubtedly was entitled to recall, is really in no different position that many other petitioners. The Court said “here, recalling the mandate is necessary ‘to prevent injustice’” (a rarely-used expression in a 5th Circuit that gave us prizes like Buck v. Davis, overturned by the Supreme Court last year).  The 5th Circuit, carrying on about “unwarranted disparities” and justice for criminal defendants: You could have knocked me over with a feather.

There are plenty of people in the same boat as is Jesus Montalvo. If this holding is faithfully applied, those folks may be entitled to similar relief.

United States v. Montalvo-Davila, Case No. 16-20081 (5th Cir., May 16, 2018).

– Thomas L. Root

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BOP Director Does the Seagull Thing – Update for May 21, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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BOP DIRECTOR SUDDENLY QUITS – MARKY, WE HARDLY KNEW YE…

Last Friday, at about the same time Trump advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner was praising Bureau of Prisons Director Mark Inch’s accomplishments at a White House prison reform summit, Inch was signing his resignation letter. What no one knows is why.

Inch180521Inch, who as Commanding General of the Army’s Criminal Investigation and Corrections Commands, was the Army’s top cop. Inch served as an MP for 35 years, being promoted into flag ranks without ever serving in a combat unit. At Congressional hearings, he impressed us as little more than a Power Point Ranger (a derisive Army term for an officer who is more at home delivering Power Point briefings to fellow bureaucrat officers than schlepping his TA-50 and an M4 with a command of soldiers). Inch, whose uniform – bereft of any device suggesting he’d gotten within hearing distance of combat or, for that matter, had any appreciable warfighting training at all –  even drew scorn from members of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee last April for his lack of information and evasive answers to the committee members’ questions. And these people are politicians who steep in bullshit every day.

seagullmission180521To be sure, General Inch seems to have pulled off a classic seagull mission – fly in, crap all over everything, fly out again. Halfway house  time was slashed during his watch. In the Second Chance Act, Congress increased the amount of halfway house the BOP could authorize for an inmate from six to 12 months. Now, with eight months of Inch’s leadership, the BOP has people who served 15 years plus lucky to get 90 days to transition from prison to self-reliance and employment. Last summer, Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III picked Inch to clean up the BOP, but if anything, controversy surrounding the agency only increased since that time. While there has been strong media implication the BOP’s hard times caused Inch’s resignation, there is no direct evidence that this is so.

The New York Times reported that “it was not immediately clear why Mr. Inch, a retired Army major general who had joined the bureau in September, resigned.” USA Today called him “director of the embattled federal Bureau of Prisons.” The Washington Times referred to him as “the embattled director” of the BOP.

The Times noted the BOP “has been the target of a probe by the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee. For the past year, the bureau has been dogged by sexual harassment staffing shortages. An April USA Today article alleged the bureau had used hundreds of staffers to fill guard posts because of shortages and overtime rules.”

Hugh Hurwitz, former BOP assistant director for reentry programs, will step in as acting director. Hurwitz is pretty much a BOP lifer, having started his career as a law clerk in the Bureau’s office of the general counsel in 1988. 

New York Times, Director of Bureau of Prisons Steps Down (May 18, 2018)

USA Today, Federal prisons chief Mark Inch abruptly resigns from job he took over in September (May 18, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Other Inmate Goodies Tucked in FIRST STEP Act – Update for May 17, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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THE LAGNIAPPES

lagniappe180517In New Orleans, a lagniappe is a little gift that comes with goods and services you buy. The FIRST STEP Act, which we’ve been writing about the past few days, has a few lagniappes, too.

First, the law has always said that inmates can earn 54 days a year in good time. The BOP, being the bureaucracy it is, interpreted that in the most restrictive way possible, a tortured reading that after a year, you get your 54 days. Everyone else with a GED or above thought that you get 54 days after 319 days, to make a full year. The BOP’s twisted interpretation, upheld by the Supreme Court (and – note to Justice Gorsuch,  we cannot limit Chevron deference soon enough), screwed inmates out of seven days a year.

bureaucracy180122FIRST STEP cleans up the good-time language of 18 USC 3624(b) to get inmates the extra seven days, and makes the change retroactive to the first day of an inmate’s current sentence. So in a 60-month sentence, a prisoner will get 35 more days lopped off his or her sentence. It may not seem like a lot, but everyone with a release date (not including lifers and death sentence people) – no matter what the offense – gets the cut.

The bill also directs the BOP to make placing an inmate near home for his or her whole sentence a top priority. BOP still has wiggle room, but the 500-mile distance will now be 500 driving miles, not the 500 straight-line miles BOP used previously, which were a hardship to so many.  A real-life example: an inmate from Port Huron, Michigan – at the southern end of Lake Huron – was sent to MDC Brooklyn, a federal prison in New York City. That was well within 500 air miles from Port Huron, but was 685 miles by road (unless the family cut through Canada, where it was still 610). Under the old BOP standard, New York City was “close to home” north of Detroit. Under the new one, not so much.

The bill also amends 18 USC Sec. 3624(c)(2) to require the BOP, “to the extent practicable, place prisoners with lower risk levels and lower needs on home confinement for the maximum amount of time permitted under this paragraph.” That time, 10% of the sentence up to six months, remains unchanged.

cookbooks180517Finally, the bill re-ups the BOP’s elderly offender program.  The original program, authorized by Congress in the Second Chance Act of 2008, was a whopping failure. Out of 200,000 inmates in the system, the BOP only found 85 people who met its criteria for the program. The BOP found that the program achieved no cost savings, a finding that was sufficiently puzzling that Congress sic’ed the Government Accountability Office on the project. The GAO, unsurprisingly, found that the BOP had cooked the books, and substantially understated the costs of keeping people locked. up.

The FIRST STEP Act extends the pilot program to the whole BOP system, not just a few prisons. Also, the bill drops the age for an elderly offender from 65 to 60, drops the requirement that the percentage of sentence completed from 75% to 67%, and completely eliminates the requirement that the inmate have served at least 10 years to be eligible.

elderly180517Best of all, the elderly offender program, the eligible terminally ill offender program, and the compassionate release programs would all now permit the inmate to file with the courts for the program directly. Previously, the BOP was the sole gatekeeper under 18 USC 3582(c)(1). Generally, a snowball stood a better chance in Death Valley than an inmate stood of getting the BOP to recommend an elderly or compassionate release program.

H.R. 5682, The FIRST STEP Act (May 9, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Risky Business: The FIRST STEP Act Revealed – Update for May 16, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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UNWRAPPING THE FIRST STEP BILL

We have been reporting on the FIRST STEP Act, H.R. 5682, the House’s current iteration of prison reform, now expected to be voted on next month. Today, we’re going to look briefly at what the bill would do.

risky-business-4fea6b87b70a6FIRST STEP proposes to use a new “risk assessment” tool, which the BOP will employ during the first 18 months after passage to calculate how likely each inmate in its custody is to commit new crimes upon release. Once everyone is assessed as minimum, moderate or high likelihood of recidivism,, some inmates will be entitled to get earned-time credits that may be cashed in for more halfway house or home confinement that what BOP was otherwise prepared to offer (which  isn’t much, see here).

The eligible programs will be those found by the BOP to reduce recidivism. The bill suggests that this definition is intended to be  broad enough to enable inmates earn credits – up to 10 days off for every 30 days of a program – for everything from the Residential Drug Abuse Program (RDAP) and GED to Adult Continuing Educations courses (often taught by inmates) and even working at UNICOR (Federal Prison Industries), which already is a plum job assignment. Once an inmate has worked down to the minimum category for risk for recidivism, the benefit for every 30  days of programming will increase from 10 to 15 days.

The bill also provides that while inmates are successfully completing courses, they should be entitled to other in-prison benefits, including higher monthly commissary spending limits, longer monthly phone time (beyond the standard 300 minutes per month), more visiting hours, and closer-to-home transfers. The bill suggests that all inmates can earn these rewards, regardless of offense, but only eligible inmates can get time credits.

The “ineligibles” are comprised of some 49 offense categories, but generally can be grouped as people who were convicted of violent crimes, Armed Career Criminal Act inmates, and sex offenders.

FIRST STEP is not without critics, most of whom complain the bill seeks to get inmates into programs that already are too full. According to Kara Gotsch of the Sentencing Project, the wait list for BOP GED programs is currently at 15,000 people. In a letter to the House Judiciary Committee last month, dozens of civil rights groups described the legislation as “an empty promise” that would likely be “doomed to fail.”

And the credits that earn a prisoner more halfway house? Mother Jones magazine complains that halfway houses already lack enough beds to accommodate the number of inmates who should have access to them. Because FIRST STEP requires the BOP to honor earned-time credits, passage of the bill could very quickly have an irresistible force (the law) meet an immovable object (the capacity of the halfway house system).

PM-173Also, the bill doesn’t allow all inmates to cash in on earned-time credits accrued through rehabilitative programming. Prisoners convicted of a range of crimes of violence, some drug kingpin offenses and sex offenses, would not be eligible — although drug crimes account for nearly half the total federal prison population. Inmates who are deemed to have a high risk of recidivating could also be prevented from using their credit to reduce their time in prison, complained Gotsch: “The people who really need the programming won’t be able to cash in, which might make them less likely to participate.” However, an amended version of the bill, not yet introduced, would allow high-risk inmates to cash in credits if they get approval from the warden.

There may also be problems with the system by which inmates would be designated as high risk. The bill instructs the Bureau of Prisons to use a risk assessment tool to determine prisoners’ chances of recidivating—an approach that has never been tested, says Gotsch. (More commonly, risk assessment tools are used to help estimate inmates’ security risk inside a prison, to determine whether they should be housed in medium- or high-security facilities.) “Research shows that risk assessments often do not accurately predict risk,” the civil rights groups wrote in their letter to the House Judiciary Committee, and “that these tools can produce results that are heavily biased against Black defendants.”

Many facilities don’t have enough staff to run new programs, according to Jesselyn McCurdy at the American Civil Liberties Union. “Wardens regularly require teachers at federal prisons to postpone or cancel their classes so they can fill empty slots for correctional guards in the housing units,” she said, a system called augmentation. “The whole concept of this bill is not based in the reality of what is going on in the Bureau of Prisons at the moment,” McCurdy said.

henhouse180307Our own observation is different from the others: the bill relies on the BOP to identify eligible programs, select the in-prison benefits to be allowed, and to award the earned-time credits. The BOP has a terrible record of using congressionally-authorized discretion to reduce prison terms (like compassionate release under 18 USC 3582), the Elderly Offender Pilot Home Detention Program and additional halfway house under the Second Chance Act) and to grant prisoners discretionary benefits (furloughs for eligible minimum security prisoners). Trusting the BOP to wholeheartedly adopt programs that reduce prison populations seems rather naive to us.

H.R. 5682, The FIRST STEP Act, passed out of House Judiciary Committee May 9, 2018

Mother Jones, Jared Kushner’s Prison Reform Plan Has Some Glaring Flaws (May 7, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root
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Tenth Circuit Firebombs 924(c) Residual Clause – Update for May 15, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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10th CIRCUIT SAYS DIMAYA MEANS 924(c) RESIDUAL CLAUSE IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL

regrets180515Cliff Salas was convicted of conspiracy to commit arson under 18 USC 844 for using a Molotov cocktail to firebomb a tattoo parlor, which came with an add-on 30-year sentence for using a destructive device in a crime of violence.

Under 18 USC 924(c), a defendant who uses or possesses a firearm or destructive device in a drug trafficking offense or crime of violence receives a mandatory consecutive sentence of from five years to life, depending on the type of gun or device, on whether it’s a first 924(c) offense or subsequent offense, and on how the weapon was used. A “crime of violence” is defined as either (1)  an offense that has as an element the threatened use or actual use of physical force against a person or property; or (3) an offense that presents a significant risk of physical harm to people or property.

Because an 18 USC 844 arson conviction is too broad for generic arson, the enumerated clause of 18 USC 924(c) does not encompass Sec. 844 arson. Likewise, the elements clause, which requires use of force against the property of another, does not encompass Sec. 844 arson, because the property burned up may be one’s own. That meant that that arson must come under the 924(c) residual clause.

vaguenes160516Two weeks ago, the 10th Circuit hurled its own Molotov cocktail at the 924(c) residual clause, striking it as unconstitutional under the 5th Amendment. The Court concluded that the Supreme Court’s recent Dimaya decision required that the 924(c) residual clause be declared too vague. “Ultimately,” the Court said, “Sec. 924(c)(3)(B) possesses the same features as the ACCA’s residual clause and Sec. 16(b) that combine to produce ‘more unpredictability and arbitrariness than the Due Process Clause tolerates,’ and Dimaya’s reasoning for invalidating Sec. 16(b) applies equally to Sec. 924(c)(3)(B). Sec. 924(c)(3)(B) is likewise unconstitutionally vague.”

Currently, only the 6th Circuit holds that Sec. 16(b) is unconstitutional while 924(c)(3)(B) is not.

United States v. Salas, Case No. 16-2170 (10th Cir. May 4, 2018).

– Thomas L. Root

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The Thrillah on the Hill-ah – Update for May 14, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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HOUSE BILL MAY FALL VICTIM TO SENATE DEMAND THAT IT DO MORE

rumble180515With the House Judiciary Committee last week rewriting the old Prison Redemption and the Reform Act into the new FIRST STEP Act (H.R. 5682), the action on criminal justice reform turns to the Senate, where FIRST STEP is already running into pushback. Let’s get ready to rumble.

The White House-backed bill picked up some mo after the House Judiciary Committee passed it onto the floor with a bipartisan 15-5 vote. But some Senate are deadlocked about how to approach the bill, threatening the chances of it getting signed into law. Ironically, the senators raising the most opposition are supporters – not opponents – of criminal justice reform. In fact, some of the traditional foes of criminal justice reform, conservative groups, sound like unabashed supporters. And those who you’d think were most likely to support reform are opposing it.

“Although today’s vote is a positive sign, we still have a long way to go. As the bill’s title suggests, this is the first step,” said conservative nonprofit FreedomWorks. “Congress must do more to ensure that those who are re-entering society and want a better life for themselves and their families have meaningful opportunities to work toward that goal. Another part of the discussion is sentencing reform. Sooner or later, Congress will have to revisit this issue to ensure that we are reforming sentences for low-level, nonviolent offenders and reserving limited prison space for violent offenders.”

vacancy180515But Kate Gotsch of the Sentencing Project complains that the bill does not account for the fact that halfway houses likely won’t have space to accommodate the inmates who accrue more earned-time credit. Progressive groups also point out that while the legislation encourages – even rewards – prisoners for participation in rehabilitative programs, the Bureau of Prisons is struggling with a horrifically-long wait list for the programs it currently offers. And many facilities don’t have the staff to run additional programs. Much of BOP Director Mark Inch’s grilling by the House Oversight Committee last month came over severe cuts in halfway house time for inmates and for the BOP’s practice of “augmentation,” where teachers, nurses and other professional staff at federal prisons are required to drop their regular duties to fill shifts for correctional officers in the housing units.

Nevertheless, FIRST STEP co-sponsor, Rep. Hakeen Jeffries (D-N.Y.) predicted last Friday the bill would come up for a House vote by the end of May.

Sens. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, and Richard Durbin (D-Illinois), the No. 2 Senate Democrat, both want a broader criminal justice measure including the mandatory minimum sentencing reforms they previously tucked into the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, S.1917, which passed out of the Judiciary Committee last February. The SRCA, which picked up two more co-sponsors last week, is now sponsored by 14 Democrats and 13 Republicans. It slashes mandatory minimums for drug offenses, makes the Fair Sentencing Act retroactive for inmates with pre-2010 crack sentences, and brings relief to people with stacked 924(c) convictions.

sessions180322Despite White House opposition, spearheaded by Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, both senators say they’ve made a deal to not split prison reform from changes to sentencing guidelines. But The Hill predicted last weekend that combining sentencing reform with prison reform will “all but kill any chance of getting sentencing reform through the GOP-controlled Congress.

Grassley’s and Durbin’s approach is poison to both to Sessions and to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky), who refused to bring SRCA to a vote in the last session of Congress despite sponsorship of 40” senators. And some of the bill’s most vocal opponents, Sens. Tom Cotton (R-Arkansas) and David Perdue (R-Georgia), are some of Trump’s closest allies on Capitol Hill.

Sens. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island) last week introduced a companion bill to the House’s FIRST STEP Act. S. 2795, a bill to provide for programs to help reduce the risk that prisoners will recidivate upon release from prison, represents an effort by some in the Senate to press forward with a narrower bill that would match FIRST STEP. Asked if Sens. Grassley’s and Durbin’s stance was realistic, Cornyn said, “Their opinion matters, but I wouldn’t say that’s the end of the discussion.” 

House Republicans already have made some changes to their prison reform bill in an attempt to win the support needed for it to pass that chamber, but the modifications did not placate Grassley or Durbin, whose support would likely be critical if any legislation is to reach the Senate floor.

In a show of strength, Sen. Cornyn and White House advisor and Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner were to tour FCI Seagoville in suburban Dallas last Friday, to tout FIRST STEP. Sen. Cornyn made it, but Kushner skipped out.

kushner180515Sen. Thom Tillis (R-North Carolina), while saying he’s open to either path forward on the issue, is skeptical that a prison reform bill alone would be able to get the 60 votes needed to ultimately clear the Senate. “It’s how we get the votes, and I’m not sure how you do [it with just that]. The way that that evolved was by talking about pairing the two,” he said, referring to both sentence reform and prison reform.

Sen. Grassley appears to be closing the door for now on negotiating with Cornyn. He said he and Durbin are pushing forward with their bill, adding that he’s delivered that message to Kushner several times. “[We’re going] to try to convince the White House that we’re right,” he said. “This is a wonderful opportunity for the president to have a bipartisan victory and to sign it, and that’s exactly what he needs for the midterm election.”

S. 2795: A bill to provide for programs to help reduce the risk that prisoners will recidivate upon release from prison, and for other purposes, Introduced May 7, 2018, by Sens. Cornyn and Whitehouse.

FreedomWorks, FreedomWorks Applauds Important “First Step” In Criminal Justice Reform (May 9, 2018)

The Hill, Trump-backed prison reforms face major obstacles in Senate (May 13, 2018)

Roll Call, Criminal justice overhaul efforts appear stuck (May 11, 2018)

Mother Jones, Jared Kushner’s Prison reform Bill Just got Slightly Less Bad (May 7, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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House Judiciary Committee Takes “FIRST STEP” Toward Prison Reform – Update for May 9, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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JUDICIARY COMMITTEE SENDS FIRST STEP ACT FOR FULL HOUSE VOTE

firststep1800509In a surprise burst of bipartisan effort, the House Judiciary Committee this afternoon approved a new prison reform bill, H.R.  5682, being pushed by the White House.

The bill, called the “Formerly Incarcerated Reenter Society Transformed Safely Transitioning Every Person Act’’ or the ‘‘FIRST STEP Act,” offers more funding for prison programs in an attempt to reduce inmates’ likelihood to re-offend after they’ve been released.

The House Judiciary Committee approved the bill by a 25-5 vote, sending it to the House floor for a vote. The measure replaces the Prison Reform and Redemption Act, H.R. 3356, that had been set for markup two weeks ago. Reps. Doug Collins (R-Georgia) and Hakeem Jeffries (D-New York), co-sponsors of the PRRA, spent the last week negotiating after committee Democrats pushed back against a number of conservative provisions, which resulted in their introducing the new FIRST STEP Act.

education180509In the legislation now advancing to the House, lawmakers created more opportunities for prisoners to earn time credits by completing prison programs. Programs that may earn credit include working at UNICOR (Federal Prison Industries, Inc.) and adult education programs, as well as more traditional rehabilitation programs. Inmates participating the approved programs can earn 10 days of credit for every 30 days of classes, and while participating be given higher spending limits at the commissary, more phone and email time, and increased visits.

Priority for participation in recidivism reduction programs is to be given to medium-risk and high-risk prisoners, with access to productive activities given to minimum-risk and low-risk prisoners. Inmates may use credits earned in the programs to serve more time in halfway houses or on home confinement.

goodconduct180509The bill also clarifies current law, 18 USC 3624(b), to allow prisoners up to 54 days of credit for good behavior annually. The law was previously interpreted as only allowing prisoners to earn 47 days a year. A bipartisan amendment from was also approved to clarify that the legislative fix, which makes prisoners eligible for 54 days of good time instead of 47, applies to prisoners already serving sentences.

Two additional provisions of interest to inmates and their families are, first, a directive that the BOP designate people to institutions within 500 driving miles of their families, where other factor permit it, and second, that the BOP “shall, to the extent practicable, place prisoners with lower risk levels and lower needs on home confinement for the maximum amount of time permitted under this paragraph,” which is 10% of the inmates’ sentence up to a maximum of six months. There is also a provision requiring increased use and transparency for compassionate release.

Sens. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Sheldon Whitehouse (D-Rhode Island) have a companion bill in the Senate, S. 1994, The CORRECTIONS Act. Rep. Collins said he’s confident there’s enough Democratic support to get the bill through the House and the Senate.

recividists160314In a weird twist, some liberal groups have already called for the bill’s defeat on the grounds that it does not go far enough in that sentencing reform is not included and too many inmates are excluded. “The FIRST STEP Act, as introduced, would exclude too many in people in federal prisons from receiving time credits for participating in the rehabilitative programs authorized by the bill,” according to a statement issued by People for the American Way. “The long list of exclusions in the bill sweep in, for example, those convicted of certain immigration offenses and drug offenses. Because immigration and drug offenses account for 53.3% of the total federal prison population, many people could be excluded from utilizing the time credits they earned after completing programming.”

The group did observe that the “good-time” fix from 47 days to 54 days “could immediately impact 4,000 individuals if made retroactive, however this number has not been verified. According to a BOP calculation done over a decade ago, approximately 4,000 people could be eligible for release within a year, not on the first day of implementation. While the “good time fix” is a much needed, positive reform, which should become law, this provision alone is not enough to overcome our overwhelming concerns with the core of the bill as outlined above.”

The Hill, White House-backed prison reform bill advances in House (May 9, 2018)

H.R. 5682, Formerly Incarcerated Reenter Society Transformed Safely Transitioning Every Person Act (approved by House Judiciary Committee, May 9, 2018)

S. 1994: The CORRECTIONS Act

People for the American Way, PFAW and AAMIA to Congress: Criminal Justice Reform Requires More Than the “FIRST STEP Act”
(May 9, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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10th Circuit Says Robbery is Still Violent – Update for Tuesday, May 8, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues. 

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TENTH CIRCUIT SAYS ROBBERY IS A GUIDELINES VIOLENT CRIME

Ed McCranie pleaded guilty to federal bank robbery, which his presentence report suggested was a crime of violence under United States Sentencing Guidelines 4B1.2(a)(1), just like a prior federal bank robbery and Colorado aggravated robbery. The three convictions made Ed a Guidelines career offender under USSG 4B1.1(a). Ed complained at sentencing that none of his three robberies qualified as a crime of violence, but the district court rejected the argument, sentencing him to 175 months.

violence180508Last week, the 10th Circuit affirmed, holding that federal bank robbery, which is taking property by force, violence, or intimidation, qualifies categorically as a crime of violence. Ed argued that because robbery can be accomplished by threatening something other than physical force, such as releasing poison if the teller does not hand over the case, the crime is not a “crime of violence.” But the Supreme Court’s 2014 decision in United States v. Castleman knocked down that issue.

Still, Ed contended, robbery can be committed by intimidation, and some people can be intimidated by raising an eyebrow, without any real threat of physical force at all. If one robs by scaring some clerk who is scared of his own shadow, Ed argued, it does not rise to a crime of violence.

caspar180508Not so, the Circuit said. “We have defined intimidation… as an act by [the] defendant ‘reasonably calculated to put another in fear, or conduct and words calculated to create the impression that any resistance or defiance by the individual would be met by force’… This definition requires the objective threatened use of physical force.” Even the 10th Circuit pattern jury instructions say that to take ‘by means of intimidation’ is to say or do something in such a way that a person of ordinary sensibilities would be fearful of bodily harm’… And then, putting to rest any concerns of the too-timid teller, the instructions clarify that “a taking would not be by ‘means of intimidation’ if the fear, if any, resulted from the alleged victim’s own timidity rather than some intimidating conduct on the part of the defendant. The essence of the offense is the taking of money or property accompanied by intentional, intimidating behavior on the part of the defendant.”

Because intimidation requires an objectively reasonable fear of bodily harm, Tim’s conviction was upheld.

United States v. McCranie, Case No. 17-1058 (10th Cir. May 3, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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