AG Sessions is a Chess-Playing Pigeon – Update for February 15, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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THE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE REPORTED S.1917 TO THE FULL SENATE BY VOTE TODAY, FEB. 15TH, AT 12:04 PM. THE VOTES WERE 16 FOR, 5 AGAINST.

SENATE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE PONDERS HOW TO GET SENTENCING REFORM AND CORRECTIONS ACT PAST THE SENATE LEADERSHIP; VOTES TODAY

The Senate Judiciary Committee’s consideration of the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act (S.1917), a bill which injects some sanity into both sentencing and rehabilitation policies, comes to a head with a mark-up and vote today. And unsurprisingly, the Attorney General – who never met an inmate he didn’t think should be serving multiple life sentences – weighed in on the widely-supported measure yesterday.

argueidiot180215In a letter to the Committee, Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III warned that S.1917 “would reduce sentences for a highly dangerous cohorts of criminals, including repeat dangerous drug traffickers and those who use firearms and would apply retroactively to many dangerous felons, regardless of citizenship or immigration status,” Sessions wrote.

Of course, the bill would only entitle persons convicted and sentenced in ways unintended by Congress when it wrote 18 USC 924(c) and some other recidivist statutes to ask their sentencing judges for a reduction under 18 USC 3582(c)(2). The judge is entitled under that statute to grant the request in full, deny it in full or grant it only in part. But the AG hardly trusts federal judges – the people who impose sentences to begin with – to make a reasoned decision about the risk that sentence reduction will create when “a highly dangerous cohorts of criminals” is involved .

sessions180215The Attorney General’s scolding was not well received by Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), chairman of the Committee. The Washington Post reported Sen. Grassley was “incensed” at Sessions “for trying to derail a bipartisan bill that would reduce mandatory prison terms for drug offenders on the eve of its first procedural vote.” Sessions and Grassley have long been at odds over the measure, which reduces the length of mandatory minimum sentences for repeat nonviolent drug offenses, eliminates the “three strike” provision of 18 USC 3559(c)(1) that requires a life sentence, and gives judges greater leeway to impose sentences under the mandatory statutory minimum sentences for some offenses, when certain conditions were met. The reforms embraced by the bill fly in the face of Sessions’ bid to wage a new war on drugs, leading him to label the bill a “grave error.”

Grassley wasted no time publicly blasting Sessions, giving the AG what the Post called “a short reminder about who in the government makes the federal laws — and who is supposed to follow them.”

tweet180215In October 2015, the panel passed an identical measure, sending it on to the full Senate by a 15-5 vote.

Committee members anticipated Sessions’ outcry. Last week, the Committee spent most of its hearing time debating how best to get favorable action in the Senate. John Cornyn (R-Texas), one of the bill’s sponsors, said, “Given the opposition of the Attorney General and given the vocal opposition of some law enforcement groups, I honestly don’t see a path forward for that bill…”

Cornyn, who serves as Senate majority whip, said Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) would be more likely to bring a prison reform bill to the floor than a sentencing reform package that might be a wedge within the Republican caucus. Cornyn said the committee’s best opportunity to move a criminal justice bill would be his legislation, proposed along with Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) and Sheldon Whitehouse D- Rhode Island), which contains only provisions aimed at easing re-entry for prisoners — “and then building on that as we can” with a sentencing amendment process on the floor.

Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Illinois), a prominent co-sponsor of the bill, disagreed, saying the Senate should not abandon bipartisan legislation just because the administration does not fully support it. “It’s a sad day if we are saying that we will not consider a measure in the halls here of the Senate Judiciary Committee if the attorney general of the United States opposes it,” Durbin said at the committee meeting. “For goodness sakes, have we reached that point? I hope not.”

“I’m worried that if we just revisit the Sentencing Reform and Corrections Act, which failed during the Obama administration, given this change in the new administration and its views on the sentencing reform component of it, we’re going to have nothing to show for our efforts,” said Cornyn, using the bill’s formal title. “I know we all tried to work together on this and it just didn’t work out.”

bipart160307Sen. Grassley said at the time the compromise SRCA bill would be the best way to get the sentencing and prison provisions into law. “It’s a matter of process and around here — nothing gets done unless it’s bipartisan. And I don’t often agree with Sen. Durbin, but we put together a bill that we worked really hard and we think it’s the only way of advancing both bills… There’s some people around here [who] are just a little bit afraid of what you call an Assistant U.S. Attorneys Association and they’re stopping everything from being done that is so successful in the other states. And when some people are willing to stand up to those leaders of the Senate, we’ll get something done in both areas.”

Congress is expected to remain focused on immigration-related debates for the foreseeable future, as the March 5th deadline for the expiration of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program approaches.

One political observer, who writes under the pen name “root” (and has nothing to do with the author of this blog), said he has spoken to Grassley, and that the Senator “plans to use his substantial political clout to press Trump to change his mind.” The commentator said,

Trump bends over backwards to keep Grassley happy. He knows that as Judiciary Chairman, Grassley played a crucial role in delivering two of Trump’s biggest successes so far: the confirmation of Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch and a modern record for circuit court judges in a president’s first year. ‘I’ve carried a lot of water for the White House,’ Grassley told me. ‘They ought to give some consideration for the close working relationship we’ve had on issues we agree on… I think people at the White House have not wanted to go against Gen. Sessions,’ he added, before closing with a sentence crafted perfectly to appeal to Trump’s ego. ‘This is an opportunity for a bipartisan victory by the President of the United States’.

Washington Post, Grassley ‘incensed’ by attorney general’s attempt to stymie sentencing reform (Feb. 14, 2018)

10ztalk.com, root, Grassley twists Trump’s arm for criminal justice reform (Feb. 11, 2018)

Reuters, U.S. attorney general opposes plan to reform prison sentencing (Feb. 14, 2018)

District Sentinel, Senate Committee to Advance Criminal Justice Reform Once Opposed by Jeff Sessions (Feb. 8, 2018)

Roll Call, Senators Ponder How to Break Criminal Justice Logjam (Feb. 9, 2018)

Courthouse News Service, Cornyn Sees No Way Forward for Sweeping Criminal-Justice Reform (Feb. 8, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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A Kinder, Gentler Robbery – Update for February 14, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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ALABAMA ROBBERY BECOME NONVIOLENT

violence160110The 9th Circuit threw out Donnie Lee Walton’s conviction under the Armed Career Criminal Act last week, holding that Alabama first-degree robbery under Criminal Code § 13A-8-41 was not a violent felony under the ACCA, because the force required to support a conviction for 3rd-degree robbery (in the same statute) is not sufficiently violent to render that crime a violent felony under the ACCA, and the Government waived any argument that the statute is divisible.

At the same time, Donnie’s panel held that United States v. Dixon, a 9th Circuit case holding that California robbery is not a violent felony under the ACCA’s force clause because it can be committed where force is only negligently used and because the statute is indivisible), requires a holding that California 2nd-degree robbery under Penal Code § 211 is not violent, either.

United States v. Walton, Case No. 15-50358 (9th Cir., Feb. 1, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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1st Circuit Says 2255 Rose by Any Other Name Would Still Smell – Update for February 13, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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MATHIS IN DISGUISE: 1ST CIRCUIT REJECTS JOHNSON 2255s

Just in time for Valentine’s Day, advice about roses. Well, about 2255 roses.

valentine180213A “2255” – regular readers will recall – is the post-conviction motion pursuant to 28 USC 2255 that federal prisoners are entitled to file. A 2255 motion essentially does duty as a petition for habeas corpus. A 2255 motion may attack a conviction or a sentence, almost always on the basis that said conviction or sentence was unconstitutional in some manner. The statute places some genuine strictures on its use: it must be filed within a year of the conviction becoming final, or within a year after the Supreme Court issues a holding on constitutional law that is made retroactive for people already convicted. The only one of those in recent history – and the one we’re concerned with today – is Johnson v. United States, a 2015 SCOTUS decision that invalidated part of the Armed Career Criminal Act.

Before Johnson, there were three ways a prior offense could be a crime of violence. It had to be either

(1) an enumerated offense (burglary, arson, extortion or use of explosive”); or

(2) an offense that has as an element the threatened use or actual use of physical force against a person; or

(3) an offense that presents a significant risk of physical harm to others.

The first clause is called the “enumerated clause,” because it enumerates certain offenses that count, period. The second is called the “force clause” or “elements clause,” because it relates to crimes that include elements of purposeful force. The third is called the “residual clause,” because it sweeps up what’s left.

Johnson151213In Johnson, the Supreme Court said the residual clause was so vague that no one could figure out what it meant. For that reason, it was unconstitutional to use the residual clause to declare a crime to be one of “violence.” Before then, crimes such as drunk driving, possession of a short-barreled shotgun, and fleeing the cops were violent crimes, because someone might have been hurt. After the Johnson decision, only the enumerated crimes and those where force was used or threatened could count.

Then came Mathis v. United States. Essentially, Mathis emphasized that a rose was not always a rose. States have many different spins on laws, so what one state might call a burglary another might call something else altogether. The courts decided that when the ACCA said “burglary” or “extortion” or something else, it referred to some nonexistent common-law ideal, what those crimes were generally thought to be before the states started writing statutes.

burglar160103Mathis led courts into the world of deciding whether statutes were divisible or indivisible, and whether the statute’s language – when read with other statutes defining terms – met the definition of the generic ideal of the crime or not. Most commonly, to provide a “fer instance,” the courts agreed generic burglary required breaking and entering a building for the purpose of committing a felony. Some states use the term “structure,” which is all right provided a “structure” is not defined to include such non-buildings as cars, airplanes, boats and train cars. But many states do include these things. When Bernard Burglar is convicted of 2nd degree burglary in a state, under a statute that includes cars and boats and RVs as “structures,” the burglary conviction is too broad to count as an ACCA burglary.

Whew! All right, with that prolix prologue, let’s consider today’s three 2255 movants. The trio filed motions seeking to invalidate their ACCA sentences on the grounds that their respective state burglaries no longer qualified as generic burglaries after Mathis, and – because they could no longer count as “residual clause” crimes of violence due to Johnson, the defendants no longer had the required three prior offenses to qualify for the ACCA’s 15-year minimum sentence.

The problem the 2255 filers faced was that they had submitted their motions more than a year after Johnson, and their claims really seemed to involve Johnson only tenuously. Last week, the 1st Circuit rejected all three petitions as untimely.

johnsonretro160103The rule, as we noted, is that a petition relying on a change in the law has to be filed within a year after the decision, if the that decision was made retroactive. Johnson was made retroactive. Mathis was not.

Each inmate argued that he was sentenced under the ACCA’s now-voided residual clause, so his sentence had to be vacated, and he could not be resentenced under the enumerated offense clause because of Mathis. In each case, the district court did not say at sentencing which of the three “crime of violence” clauses applied to the ACCA sentence, but after the 2255s were filed, the sentencing judges said the enhanced sentences had been based on the enumerated offense clause, not the residual clause. The 1st Circuit said, “Although these findings were… not expressly stated at the time of sentencing, we give them due weight because the habeas judge was describing his own decisions at sentencing.

nodice180213The Circuit said no dice. In order to even arguably invoke Johnson, the prisoners had to first argue that their ACCA enhancement could not be enumerated offenses because Mathis rendered the burglaries a nongeneric offense. That, the Circuit said, “is the essence of a Mathis challenge. To hold otherwise would create an end run around AEDPA’s statute of limitations. It would allow petitioners to clear the timeliness bar by bootstrapping their Mathis claims onto Johnson claims, even where, as here, the merits of their case entirely depend on whether their previous convictions still qualify as ACCA predicates in light of Mathis.”

Calling a Mathis claim a Johnson claim is, therefore, not like calling a rose by any other name.  Rather, it’s more like calling an ox a bull – he’s grateful for the honor, but that does not give him what he needs to really be a bull (apologies to Ben Franklin).

Dimott v. United States, Case No. 16-2289 (1st Cir. Feb. 2, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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BOP Finally Releases Compassionate Release Numbers… And They’re Not Impressive – Update for February 12, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BOP ADMITS FEWER THAT 10% OF COMPASSIONATE RELEASE BIDS MAKE IT PAST THE DIRECTOR

Nearly six months after 16 Senators requested it, the Bureau of Prisons has finally come off compassionate release numbers for the last three years.

compassion160124Under 18 USC 3582(c)(1), a prisoner who has extraordinary reasons – usually medical, age-related or family-related – may receive a reduction in sentence (RIS). An inmate must first get a recommendation from the institution warden, and then approval of the BOP Director. If the Director forwards the motion to the sentencing court, the district judge will then decide the motion.

From January 1, 2014, through the end of 2017, 3,182 inmates sought RIS relief. Only one out of four made it past the first level of review, the warden of the prison in which the inmate was held. At the Director’s office, only 306 requests, or 9.6% of the total originally filed, made the cut.

About 25% of RIS requests came from dying inmates. Another 35% came from seriously ill (but not terminal) inmates. Elderly inmates with medical conditions were another 15%, and elderly inmates who were otherwise healthy constituted 8%. Inmates who were sole caregiver for a child constituted 9% of the requests, and people needing to care for a spouse were 3.4% of the requests.

RIP180212The RIS requests with the most chance of approval came from terminally ill inmates. One half of all such requests made it to the Director. Another 16% of requests from seriously ill inmates were referred. One out of four requests from elderly prisoners with medical conditions made the cut, while one-third of healthy elderly prisoners’ requests were approved by wardens. Approvals for caregivers of spouses and kids came in at under 15%.

It takes about 4-1/2 months to get the Director’s approval. The BOP did not break down which categories were approved in what numbers by the Director, but it admitted that 81 inmates died while waiting for approval of their RIS requests.

The BOP has been engaged in an inter-agency fight with the Sentencing Commission for control of the compassionate release process for more than a year. The Sentencing Commission believes that the BOP should only determine that inmates meet eligibility standards, and leave decisions about whether they are deserving of a lower sentence to judges.

The BOP told the Senators that RIS requests were usually denied because its criteria were not met, including

• the inmate did not meet the medical condition criteria;
• the inmate’s medical condition did not impact ability to function in prison;
• the inmate had not served enough time toward his sentence required by the elderly inmate criteria;
• the inmate could not show he or she was the sole family member capable of providing care to a child, spouse, or registered partner; or
• the inmate lacked stable residence and release plans.

roulette180212The sentencing advocacy group Families Against Mandatory Minimums was quick to blast the BOP letter. “We are disappointed but not surprised,” FAMM president Kevin Ring said. “Even as interest in prison reform grows, we find that the BOP is not using its authority to reduce the number of low-risk, high-cost individuals in federal prisons. This failure hurts families and taxpayers without improving public safety.”

Sentencing Law and Policy, Lamenting latest data on how federal Bureau of Prisons administers its compassionate release program (Feb. 9, 2018)

FAMM, New Data Reveals BOP Still Neglecting Compassionate Release (Feb. 8, 2018)

Letter from BOP Office of Legislative Affairs to Sen. Brian Schatz (Jan. 16, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Could Sessions’ War on Pot Light Up Congress? – Update for February 8, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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SESSIONS UPSETS CONGRESS WITH CHANGE IN POT POLICY

sessions180119Last week, after Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III gave federal prosecutors free rein to begin marijuana busts even state law allows possession and sale, dozens of lawmakers from both parties are seeking legislation that would handcuff Sessions on pot.

“It has awakened a sleeping giant,” Dana Rohrabacher (R-California) said of the Congressional response to Sessions repealing the Cole memorandum, a policy from the Obama administration that tolerated pot companies in states that legalized the drug. “The move by Sessions on the Cole memo has really activated people who were not active before, both inside Congress and across the country,” Rohrabacker was quoted as saying by BuzzFeed News.

Last Tuesday, 54 lawmakers sent President Trump a letter asking him to honor his campaign promise to leave marijuana “up to the states” and override Sessions. A few weeks earlier, 69 lawmakers — including 15 Republicans — sent House leadership a letter urging them to adopt an amendment in the next annual spending bill.

marijuana160818The measure would prevent the Justice Department from using any funds to interfere with a state’s marijuana legalization scheme, similar to prior thereby staving off Sessions. There is precedent for this. Since December 2014’s passage of the Consolidated and Further Continuing Appropriations Act of 2015, Congress has effectively prohibited federal prosecution for medical marijuana sale and use that complies with state law by denying DOJ the right to spend any money to prosecute for conduct that complies with state law. Congress has the power to do the same for recreational marijuana laws, and courts have recognized that the spending ban prevents DOJ prosecution of people in those states.

Anything that drives a wedge between Congress and Sessions lessens the extent of the AG’s influence in keeping Congress from enacting sentencing reform (although it still leaves the President to mollify).

BuzzFeed, Jeff Sessions is making Congress mad with his pot policy, and it may backfire (Jan. 29, 2018)

United States v. McIntosh, 833 F.3d 1163 (9th Cir. 2016)

– Thomas L. Root

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Sky Pilot – Update for February 7, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BOP REVERSES “ARMED CHAPLAIN” RULE

A BOP prison chaplain’s quest to disarm chaplains won out, as the agency announced last month that chaplains will no longer be required to carry pepper spray. 

priest180208Last November, the agency agreed that Rev. Ronald Apollo, a retired Air Force chaplain now serving as a BOP chaplain did not have to carry pepper spray. Earlier last year, the BOP had mandated that all workers in medium and high security institutions to carry around spray last year, prompted by a federal law passed in 2015 to keep prison staff safe. Rev. Apollo refused, arguing the rule violated his religious beliefs and jeopardized the impartiality he needs to counsel prisoners and win their trust. 

BOP’s personnel classifications exempt chaplains from firearms training and hold that “in the event of an actual disturbance the professional skills of a chaplain will be applied in another way.” Rev. Apollo argued that requiring him to carry spray violated he classification and the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act.

“Now we are able to work on a level to do everything we could do before, in the same capacity, exactly how we were doing it before when… spray was never an issue,” Rev. Apollo said. “We still respond to alarms, we still preach, we could counsel and we’re free to go about all areas of the institution like the ministers we were hired to be without any reservations.

The Marshall Project, The Bureau of Prisons Yields to a Chaplain’s Conscience (Jan. 26, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Not Enough Fraud for a 60(b) Motion – Update for February 6, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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CIRCUIT TELLS DEFENDANT BLACK “YOU CAN’T COME BACK”

Adarus Black, convicted of a drug conspiracy and escape, filed a post-conviction motion under 28 USC 2255 in 2013. It was denied. He returned several years later with a motion under Fed. Rule of Civil Procedure 60(b), which lets a party petition to set aside the judgment for new evidence, fraud on the court, and other sundry reasons. Adarus wanted the 2255 judgment set aside for eight different reasons.

fraud180206The district court made short work of two of Adarus’ five Rule 60(b) grounds on the merits, but it sent the other three to the Court of Appeals. Ever since the 2005 Supreme Court decision in Gonzalez v. Crosby, a movant filing a 60(b) motion to set aside a judgment denying a 2255 motion was considered to be filing a “second-or-successive motion,” for which advance permission has to be obtained from the court of appeals (something hardly ever given). A Rule 60(b) motion escapes the “second-or-successive” label only if it “attacks a defect in the integrity of the federal habeas proceedings.”

Last week, the 6th Circuit ruled that two of the three claims Adarus made that had been referred to it were second-or-successive claims that could not be brought in a 60(b) motion (and for which approval would not be forthcoming). But in the final claim, Adarus claimed that the Assistant U.S. Attorney prosecuting his case “perpetrated fraud on the Court” before and during his criminal trial. The Gonzalez decision said that fraud on the court is “one example of… a defect” in 2255 habeas proceedings that could be raised without running up against the “second-or-successive” rule.

But the 6th held that Adarus’ 60(b) fraud claims did not make the cut. “Fraud on the court” refers to “fraud on the federal habeas court,” the Circuit said. Because Adarus’ fraud-on-the-court argument “concerns only the prosecutor’s conduct during the underlying criminal trial, he has not called into question the integrity of the federal habeas proceedings.” Adarus’ mistake was that he did not show that the fraudulent conduct during the trial proceedings tainted the district court’s assessment of his federal habeas petition. Fraud on the 2255 court, the 6th held, “requires proof that fraudulent conduct was willfully ‘directed to’ the court that was deceived.”

In re Black, Case No. 17-2147 (6th Cir., Jan. 31, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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President Throws His Weight (Sort of) Behind Prison Reform – Update for February 5, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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TRUMP BACKS PRISON (NOT SENTENCING) REFORM

education180205During his State of the Union address last Tuesday, President Trump said his administration will pursue reforms to federal prison system reentry programs. “As America regains its strength, this opportunity must be extended to all citizens,” Trump said. “That is why this year we will embark on reforming our prisons to help former inmates who have served their time get a second chance.”

Trump brought up prison reform again last Thursday in a speech to GOP legislators during their retreat in West Virginia. “We can reform our prison system to help those who have served their time get a second chance at life,” he told the lawmakers.

A sharp split remains in Congress over sentencing reform, but there seems to be a consensus on prison reform. The difference between the two is this: sentencing reform focuses on reducing potential sentences – including mandatory minimums – while prison reform offers more reentry programs in prison, for which prisoners could get up extra days off for completing approved programs.

reform160201Trump’s comments are a change in tone for the President, who made tough-on-crime talk a standard of his 2016 presidential campaign. But even as he embraces prison reform, Trump suggests his Administration might seek tougher drug laws in response to the opioid crisis.

Supporters of reform are expressing cautious optimism that a deal can be made to improve conditions in federal prisons, bolster anti-recidivism efforts and allow federal prisoners to earn “time credits” for making it through education or other programs, despite legislative clashes over immigration and opioids and the impending midterm elections. Rep. Doug Collins (R-Georgia), an author of the bipartisan Prison Reform and Redemption Act (H.R. 3356), called the moment of apparent consensus “a unique opportunity.”

Ohio State University law prof and sentencing expert Doug Berman wrote last week that while “‘back-end’ prison reforms to facilitate earlier release from prison for all federal offenders and enhanced reentry efforts are quite possible and may truly be a priority for the Trump Administration; it would also seem that “front-end” sentencing reforms to reduce mandatory minimum terms for drug trafficking offenses many not be possible and may be actively opposed by the Trump Administration.”

The New Republic said that “reducing mandatory minimums and over-criminalization will be a tough sell, while programs to help prisoners re-enter society and find jobs could find a receptive audience in the White House.” However, the Administration cut back on BOP education programs last May, and further BOP job cuts may make it hard for the agency to find enough people to direct rehabilitation programs. Fewer staff means fewer programs means fewer qualified courses means fewer additional good-time credits. The New Republic said, “It would be a Nixon-in-China moment if Trump genuinely tried to combat mass incarceration—which is to say, it’s highly unlikely.”

nixon180205Yet less than a week later, the same author in the same magazine suggested that “Trump’s rhetoric of late gives hope for bipartisan efforts in Congress to push through a criminal-justice reform bill this year. While Trump prides himself as a master dealmaker, he’s been content to let Republican lawmakers and his top advisers sketch the details of major legislation on health care, tax reform, and immigration. As long as he’s not actively hostile to whatever lawmakers send him, reformers could find Trump more amenable to the final package if they can convince him it’s a win.”

Reason.com, Trump says in SOTU that Administration will pursue prison reforms (Jan. 30, 2018)

Gant News, ‘American carnage’ President presides over prison reform push (Feb. 2, 2018)

Sentencing Law and Policy, Prez Trump, in his first State of the Union address, mentions “reforming our prisons” and need to “get much tougher on drug dealers” (Jan. 30, 2018)

The New Republic, Is Trump serious about prison reform? (Jan. 30, 2018)

The New Republic, A Chance for Criminal-Justice Reform Under Trump (Feb. 5, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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Federal Bureau of Prisons Privatizing Fast – Update for January 31, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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BOP CUTTING 5,000+ EMPLOYEES; PLANS TRANSFER OF SOME LOW-SECURITY INMATES TO PRIVATE PRISONS

memo180131Amid plans announced last summer to chop 12% of its workforce, the Bureau of Prisons has issued a memorandum to all wardens (which the BOP calls “Chief Executive Officers”) last week in which it announced that “to alleviate the overcrowding at Bureau of Prisons’ (BOP) institutions and to maximize the effectiveness of the private contracts,” low-security institutions should submit names eligible inmates to be transferred to private prisons.

The memo, leaked to Government Executive magazine (undoubtedly by a happy BOP employee), set the following designation criteria. The inmates should

• be classified as low security status,
• be male and non-U.S. citizens,
• be assigned a medical and mental health care level 1 or 2, and
• have 90 months or less remaining to serve on their sentence.

Specific to Rivers Correctional Institution, a private prison run by The GEO Group (located in Winton, NC, 100 miles east northeast of Raleigh, NC), the Bureau specifies that inmate should be a

• male inmate classified as Low security with IN custody,
• sentenced out of the District of Columbia Superior or District        Court, and
• assigned a medical and mental health care level 1 or 2.

Rivers CI will accept inmates who meet the who are awaiting enrollment in the residential drug abuse program (RDAP).

privateB180131Mother Jones, a leftist magazine, reported today that this expanded use of private prisons comes as the agency plans to cut the number of correctional officers and other employees at its own institutions. The magazine said, “In a conference call days before the memo leaked, the bureau told facility administrators to expect a 12 to 14 percent reduction in staffing levels—though lawmakers and others have argued that prisons are already dangerously understaffed.”

The Administration’s FY 2019 budget calls for cutting 6,000 BOP positions, including more than 1,800 correctional officers. Eric Young, president of the American Federation of Government Employees council representing BOP employees, said, “It has sent a panic throughout my ranks.” Employees are worried that if natural attrition and vacancy elimination alone do not reach the BOP’s staff reduction goals, mandatory layoffs could follow. Not hiring to fill vacancies will worsen existing staffing shortfalls, Young said.

privateprisons180131While last week’s BOP memo targets immigrants serving time, private prison executives have previously suggested that other inmates may soon be transferred as well. “You’ll see the bureau evaluate U.S. citizens as they have previously evaluated criminal aliens,” J. Dave Donahue, president of GEO Group’s US corrections operations, told investors on a call last August.

Mother Jones, Leaked Memo Reveals Trump’s Gift to Private Prison Companies (Jan. 30, 2018)

The GEO Group’s (GEO) CEO George Zoley on Q2 2017 Results – Earnings Call Transcript (Aug. 7, 2017)

Government Executive, Leaked Memo: Trump admin to boost use of private prisons while slashing Federal staff (Jan. 25, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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“You’re Screwed” Writ Large – Update for January 30, 2018

We post news and comment on federal criminal justice issues, focused primarily on trial and post-conviction matters, legislative initiatives, and sentencing issues.

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8TH CIRCUIT RULES CORAM NOBIS IS A 2255 BY A DIFFERENT NAME

The history of what the law calls “extraordinary writs” is a rich one. Time was, courts of law could only award money damages. Now money’s nice stuff, but sometimes you need more.

equity180130Your neighbor’s tree is about to fall on your house and he won’t do anything about it? Knowing that after your house is crushed one dark and stormy night (with you in it) that your heirs can collect some money does not provide a lot of what insurance companies like to call “peace of mind.” What you need is a court order that your neighbor has to cut it down. Back in the bad old days of segregation, a black family would have had no remedy in a court of law: money damages won’t do when you yearn for liberty and equality.

Because of the mismatch between need and remedy, the English – back in the days of yore – developed courts of equity. Equity courts were the equal of law courts, but for their remedies. These courts originally issued prerogative writs, court orders, with such great names as certiorari, mandamus, quo warranto, audita querela, and, of course, the Great Writ itself, habeas corpus. These remedies, as well as the one most have heard of, injunctive writs (or just injunctions) survive today.

Everyone knows about the federal prisoners’ motion under 28 USC 2255, a statutory right granted to prisoners to stand in the place and stead of the constitutionally-protected writ of habeas corpus. But you cannot hang around a prison law library too long without hearing that a thundering herd of extraordinary writ motions are there, just waiting to be filed besides the old reliable 2255. In fact, there is a law called the All Writs Act, that confers on federal courts the right to gin up just about any remedy the court can imagine, sort of a remedy version of making the punishment fit the crime. Court-order busing, taking control of labor unions, and court-ordered state prison emptying are examples of the All Writs Act in action.

vader180130For federal prisoners, however, Congress intended through 28 USC 2255, as well as the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (a bill that could have been named by Darth Vader himself) to limit prisoner access to traditional extraordinary writs as much as possible. Last week, the 8th Circuit reminded us of how effective the AEDPA has been.

The Circuit slapped further restrictions on the writ of error coram nobis, an old common law writ which may be filed only after the petitioner is out from under his sentence and supervised release to claim he was actually innocent. Keith Baranski got 60 months on a firearms charge. While locked up, he filed a 2255 and lost. After he was released and finally got off paper, he filed a coram nobis petition. It was denied, and Keith appealed.

equitycourt180130The 8th ruled that while 28 USC 2244 only required that a petitioner get Court of Appeals approval for a second-or-successive 2255 motion, the limits set out in 2255(h) applied to any petitions filed after a 2255, even a coram nobis. In other words, if a petitioner previously filed a 2255 motion, a coram nobis petition will be tossed unless it relies on newly discovered evidence that would establish by clear and convincing evidence that no reasonable jury would have convicted; or on a new rule of constitutional law made retroactive…

The Circuit said, “It is widely accepted that custody is the only substantive difference between coram nobis and habeas petitions… Given that coram nobis is an extraordinary remedy available at the far end of a post-conviction continuum only for the “most fundamental” errors, it would make no sense to rule that a petitioner no longer in custody may obtain coram nobis relief with a less rigorous substantive showing than that required by limitations for successive habeas corpus and § 2255 relief.”

United States v. Baranski, Case No. 16-1399 (8th Cir. Jan. 23, 2018)

– Thomas L. Root

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